Air Force Puts Unique Twist on ACE in Middle East Exercise: Real-World Combat

Air Force Puts Unique Twist on ACE in Middle East Exercise: Real-World Combat

The U.S. Air Force is used to operating from large, fixed bases in the Middle East. But recently, Air Forces Central (AFCENT) tested its ability to disperse to smaller, unfamiliar locations with the exercise Agile Spartan, held in recent weeks, which rehearsed the Air Force-wide concept of Agile Combat Employment. 

ACE training events, large and small, are going on throughout the Air Force. But unlike other Air Force commands, AFCENT stands out given its proximity to combat. U.S. forces in its region are tasked with stamping out the Islamic State group in Iraq and Syria, assisting at times with the defense of Israel, and helping to protect shipping in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. That means they are often under the persistent threat of drone and missile attacks from Iranian-backed groups and potentially from Iran itself.  

“We’re unique in that as we’re doing these ACE events, we are still generating real-world combat power,” Col. Derrick Michaud, AFCENT’s division chief for future operations, also known as the A35, said in an interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine.

But in Agile Spartan, AFCENT still managed to disperse teams from the central hubs that host thousands of troops in the region.

The most recent iteration of the multiweek exercise took place across the Middle East and featured an undisclosed number of Airmen from AFCENT’s deployed Air Expeditionary Wings. In some Air Force training events, Airmen confront simulated threats. For Agile Spartan, they dispersed while also carrying out some actual missions.

“To put it simply, it is all about validating our ability to integrate with regional partners and then generating combat power wherever we need to for a variety of reasons,” Michaud said. “This is going towards the overall knowledge base of the Air Force.”

U.S. Air Force Senior Airman Nathous Luna, avionics specialist assigned to the 389th Expeditionary Fighter Generation Squadron, marshals an F-15E Strike Eagle during Operation Agile Spartan 25.1 within the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility, Jan. 29, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Master Sgt. Luke Olson

To carry out the exercise, Air Forces Central used the entire range of CENTCOM’s armed and crewed aircraft. That included A-10 Thunderbolt II attack aircraft, F-16 Fighting Falcons, F-15E Strike Eagle fighters, as well as the specialized HC-130 Combat Talon II cargo aircraft, C-130J Super Hercules airlifters, HH-60W Jolly Green II helicopters, and some of the command’s in-demand KC-135 tankers.

“We did not just create our own missions to make the exercise happen. The missions that we launched out of there were actual real-world combat sorties generated by our team,” said Capt. Ryan Samolewski, an Agile Spartan detachment commander for a KC-135 deployment.

U.S. Air Force Capt. Daniel Smith, 91st Expeditionary Air Refueling Squadron pilot, performs a preflight inspection of a KC-135 Stratotanker during Operation Agile Spartan 25.1 within the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility, Feb. 4, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Robert Nichols

As the exercise unfolded, A-10s deployed away from their base and were refueled in the field in Forward Area Refueling Point (FARP) operations by HC-130 aircraft. F-15Es conducted integrated combat turns, with Airmen refueling and rearming the fighters while their engines were still running, something Airmen did during AFCENT’s defense of Israel in April.

KC-135s also deployed to a new location, which AFCENT declined to disclose, without their traditional support footprint. “This location was the first time ever having a U.S. Air Force asset and personnel operated out of it,” said Samolewski, who serves as the 379th Expeditionary Operations Support Squadron’s director of operations. “We spent a couple of months reviewing requirements and evaluating, as well as working with our host nation partners to figure out all the logistical constraints and elements of getting ourselves out there for this exercise.” 

The host nation helped with the requirements for the supply of jet fuel, air traffic control, and fire department support. Learning to operate more effectively with a U.S. partner was another plus.

“ACE is key for us to expand options to complicate the adversaries’ decision-making,” said Michaud. “But this is also about collective self-defense of the region. Our ability to do this and generate combat power supports [partner nations] as well. So it’s a positive thing for both us and our partners.”

Airlifters also supported the temporary deployments in addition to their typical missions.

“Most of what we do around the AOR is sustainment, and for this exercise, it was more a deployment and a redeployment,” said Maj. Joshua McLaughlin, the assistant director of operations for the 39th Expeditionary Airlift Squadron, a C-130 unit. “The big thing for us was operating places with a smaller footprint, so really only taking what we absolutely needed to execute the mission and then going places that don’t have necessarily the full setup like you would in a lot of other more established locations.”

McLaughlin added, “For us, it’s getting the tasking and then providing the needed airlift to make that happen.”

In addition to the wings, Agile Spartan also included “staff-wide event planning and execution” from AFCENT’s U.S. headquarters at Shaw Air Force Base, S.C., to its forward hub at the Combined Air Operations Center at Al Udeid Air Base, Qatar, Michaud said.

AFCENT does not permanently assign units and relies on personnel who rotate in and out the region every six months. But Airmen said they would take their lessons back home. As Agile Spartan is a recurring exercise, information is captured in after-action reports and “coordinated back to the next round of Airmen coming out and future generations,” said Michaud.

“None of these are done in a vacuum,” Michaud added. “It’s an iterative process. We learn something every time we do it. … We had different desired learning outcomes this time that we exercised and we’ll continue to build on it going forward.”

A U.S. Air Force C-130J Super Hercules assigned to the 39th Expeditionary Airlift Squadron sits parked on the flight line during Operation Agile Spartan, a joint and coalition exercise within the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility, Feb. 2, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Sarah Ortega Corona
Advanced Fighter Engines Pass Design Review. Now Comes Fabrication Stage

Advanced Fighter Engines Pass Design Review. Now Comes Fabrication Stage

Engines from GE Aerospace and RTX’s Pratt & Whitney have cleared the Air Force’s “Detailed Design Reviews” for the Next-Generation Adaptive Propulsion program, paving the way for the engine-makers to build prototype ground demonstrators, the two companies announced separately.

The plan is for the winner of the NGAP program to power the Air Force’s Next-Generation Air Dominance NGAD fighter.

Detailed design is the fourth of six phases the Air Force has set for NGAP, after initial design, preliminary design, and adaptive prototyping planning, but before engine fabrication and engine assessments.

The completion of design review “marks a significant step toward delivering revolutionary propulsion technology for the Air Force’s future fleet,” GE said in a press release. Its NGAP engine is called the XA102, while Pratt’s is the XA103.

Both companies touted the use of modeling and simulation, as well as other digital tools, in the design of their engine.

GE said the XA102 is the first in company history to be developed using a model-based systems engineering approach, and in its design presentation to the Air Force, the company showcased “the comprehensive digital engine model and [validated] its readiness for the next stage of development.”

Steve Russell, vice president and general manager of GE’s “Edison Works” technology incubator unit, said MBSE “has been instrumental in the success” of the XA102 design.

“As we transition into the procurement and build phase, we will continue to incorporate this innovative approach while working closely with our supply chain partners to advance the engine toward a full-scale demonstration,” he said.

Pratt said it made its design presentation to the Air Force “directly from its collaborative digital environment, providing reviewers with immediate access to all the data and material to satisfy the stringent criteria. Passing this fully digital evaluation allows the team to begin procuring hardware for the construction of its XA103 prototype ground demonstrator, which is expected to test in the late 2020s.”

Jill Albertelli, president of Pratt’s military engines business, said digital processes—which are required in the NGAP program—“will be at the foundation of our technology maturation for our future next-gen solutions.” 

Pratt said its NGAP engine’s adaptive architecture enables its components to adjust for “optimized fuel efficiency, survivability, and power and thermal management, surpassing the capabilities of fourth- and fifth-generation engines. This step change in engine capability will help ensure the U.S. Air Force maintains air superiority and deters pacing challenges.”

GE similarly said adaptive engine cycles are “critical to ensure U.S. combat aircraft maintain their superiority by providing greater range and significantly more thermal management capability compared to today’s most advanced combat engine.”

Both engines derive from the work the companies did on the Adaptive Engine Transition Program, which yielded powerplants intended to fit in the F-35 fighter and provide that aircraft with significantly more thrust, range, loiter time, and cooling capability than the aircraft’s original equipment, Pratt’s F135 engine.

However, the bypass characteristics of the two AETP engines made them incompatible with the F-35B and C models without extensive re-engineering. The Pentagon decided not to pursue an all-new engine for only the Air Force F-35A variant, and instead chose to pursue the F135 Engine Core Upgrade, now in development by Pratt, which will be applicable to all F-35 variants. Remaining monies in the AETP program were shifted to NGAP in the fiscal 2025 defense budget.

The NGAP program is largely classified, and all that Air Force officials have said about it is that the engine will be a different size from the engines built for AETP.

Despite the green light to proceed to fabrication, the future of NGAP is uncertain. The Air Force put a pause on the NGAD program last summer, with then-Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall saying it was under review to see if its capabilities still matched the anticipated threat. The aircraft’s projected cost of hundreds of millions of dollars was also a factor.

Near the end of his tenure, Kendall punted a decision on the future of NGAD to the incoming Trump administration, saying it should make further decisions in the project because it will “own” the next steps in development.

With the program’s future uncertain, the unnamed contractors working on NGAD received Technology Maturation and Risk Reduction contracts to tide them over until the next steps are decided. The options include selecting a contractor to enter engineering and manufacturing development as planned; change requirements for the existing competitors; or cancel the program and take a different approach to future air superiority.

Deciding what to do about NGAD is likely one of the first decisions facing Air Force Secretary nominee Troy Meink, should he be confirmed. Presidential advisor Elon Musk, whose Department of Government Efficiency commission is eyeing potential Pentagon budget cuts, has derided the F-35 and all human-crewed fighters as technological relics unworthy of further investment.

The Air Force was not immediately able to offer comment on the design review or contracts for the next stages of NGAP.

Irked By Boeing, Trump Eyes ‘Alternatives’ for New Air Force One

Irked By Boeing, Trump Eyes ‘Alternatives’ for New Air Force One

President Donald Trump raised the possibility of major changes to the “Air Force One” replacement program in the face of persistent and growing delays. 

Speaking with reporters late Feb. 19 aboard one of the current jets used for presidential airlift, Trump confirmed he is frustrated with the planned VC-25B replacement program and with prime contractor Boeing. Video of his comments circulated on C-SPAN, Fox News, and other media outlets. 

“I’m not happy with Boeing,” Trump said. “It takes them a long time to do Air Force One. We gave that contract out a long time ago as a fixed-price contract, and I’m not happy with the fact that it’s taking so long, and we may do something else. We may go and buy a plane or get a plane or something.” 

Boeing has been working on a replacement for the current VC-25A “Air Force One” jets since 2015. During Trump’s first term, he took a keen interest in the program, first expressing displeasure with the price, then announcing a new deal worth $3.9 billion for two aircraft in 2018 and revealing plans for a new paint scheme in 2019. 

The program continues to suffer delays, however. The Air Force settled on two Boeing 747-8 airframes and hired Boeing to be the systems integrator for the many extensive modifications needed to transform a basis commercial jetliner into a “mobile West Wing.”

The goal was to field the new aircraft by 2024, but cost has grown and the schedule has slipped. Boeing says it has absorbed more than $2 billion in costs and now suggests delivery could take as much as four more years. 

“Now supposedly they’re losing a lot of money and they’d like to see if they could up the price,” Trump said. “But I like fixed-price deals.” 

Airbus is the only other manufacturer that makes such large aircraft, but Trump dismissed the idea of turning to Boeing’s European rival, saying he “would not consider Airbus.” 

“But I could buy one that was used and convert it,” he said. “I could buy one from another country, perhaps, or get one from another country. So we’re looking at other alternatives, because it’s taking Boeing too long.” 

Boeing declined to comment. An Air Force spokesperson, asked whether the White House has directed the Air Force to look at alternatives, said only that “Boeing is expected to deliver an updated Integrated Master Schedule to the Air Force in Spring 2025.”  

The Air Force regularly converts commercial aircraft for military uses; the new Survivable Airborne Operations Center aircraft, the successor to the service’s E-4B “Doomsday” plane, will also be based on 747-8 jets. USAF acquired five Korean Air 747-8 passenger jets to retrofit for that project, and hired . Sierra Nevada Corp. on a $13 billion contract to equip the jets.

Trump toured a Boeing plane in Florida this month that was previously owned by Qatar, a move intended to highlight Boeing’s “failure to deliver a new Air Force One on time as promised,” a White House official told pool reporters

Boeing and Air Force officials blame delays and cost overruns for the new Air Force One jets on higher-than-expected manufacturing costs, protracted negotiations with suppliers, other supply chain issues, engineering changes, and shortages of skilled workers with security clearances

In other reports, the Government Accountability Office has noted other problems plaguing the new aircraft: wiring design issues; cabin noise from the environmental control system; delays in finalizing a testing plan; and stress-corrosion cracks necessitating repairs. 

In its latest budget request, the Air Force projected initial operational capability for the first aircraft in mid-2028, and some media outlets have reported that date might slip further, to 2029. That would put the program five years behind its original timeline and drag out to 14 years the time from program start to delivery of just two jets. 

Boeing CEO Kelly Ortberg said in media interviews in recent weeks that Elon Musk—the billionaire owner of SpaceX and a close adviser to Trump—is working with the company to help deliver the VC-25B faster.

Two B-1 Bombers Fly with South Korea as Leaders Tout Value of Advanced Training

Two B-1 Bombers Fly with South Korea as Leaders Tout Value of Advanced Training

Two U.S. Air Force B-1 bombers led a joint aerial exercise between the U.S. and South Korea over Korean airspace on Feb. 20, as officials emphasized the importance of training to counter the likes of North Korea.

The Lancers were joined by three USAF F-16s, four U.S. Marine Corps F-35Bs, four Republic of Korea Air Force F-35As, and two of their F-15Ks, for simulated precision strike and air defense training, according to a release. The F-16s came from the 51st Fighter Wing at Osan Air Base, South Korea, while the Marine Corps fighters came from the 1st Marine Aircraft Wing at Marine Corps Air Station Iwakuni, located in southern Japan. The long-range bombers, from Ellsworth Air Force Base, S.D., have been stationed at Andersen Air Force Base in Guam since last month.

“Advanced training like today’s event ensures we’re able to maintain the high levels of readiness necessary for our combined defense posture,” said Lt. Gen. David R. Iverson, Seventh Air Force commander, in the release. “Each time our aircrew plan, execute and debrief together, we build proficiency in our tactics, techniques and procedures to defend the Alliance, if required.”

The South Korean Ministry of National Defense said the training was conducted to “demonstrate the U.S.’s extended deterrence capability against North Korea’s growing nuclear and missile threats, and to bolster the interoperability of the South Korea-U.S. combined forces.”

Maj. Gen. Jason R. Armagost, head of the 8th Air Force that oversees the U.S. bomber fleet, likewise said in a Feb. 19 press conference that the U.S. and South Korea will continue to train on how to integrate nuclear and conventional forces while keeping a close eye on North Korea.

“All the way from competition activities through crisis and conflict, that relationship of working together, planning together, and operating militarily together is an extremely powerful thing to practice and to conduct,” said Armagost.

Two U.S. Air Force B-1B Lancers fly in formation with two Republic of Korea Air Force F-15 Slam Eagles and two U.S. Air Force F-16 Fighting Falcons during bilateral training in training airspace above South Korea, Feb. 20, 2025. The aircraft were joined by four ROKAF F-35As, one more U.S. Air Force F-16, and four U.S. Marine Corps F-35B Lightning IIs for precision strike and air interdiction training. (Photo courtesy of ROK Air Force)

The B-1s flew from Guam into South Korean airspace, escorted in by ROK Air Force F-15K Slam Eagles. Following State Department approval in November, the F-15K fleet is set for a major $6.2 billion upgrade, including advanced mission computers, radar systems capable of tracking targets at long distances, missile warning systems, along with spare parts and technical support.

The Air Force deployed four Lancers from Ellsworth to Anderson on Jan. 15 for the first Bomber Task Force of 2025. Two of those B-1s participated in a trilateral flight with two ROK Air Force F-15Ks and two Japanese Air Self-Defense Force F-2s on the same day, flying in the airspace between Japan and South Korea before landing in Guam.

The three nations held their first-ever trilateral air exercise in October 2023 and have since flown together three more times, each time with American bombers accompanied by some combination of Japanese, American, or South Korean fighters. The growing ties between the three countries were highlighted by a trilateral summit between the nations’ political leaders in August 2023, where they agreed to conduct more annual exercises.

Since then, however, all three countries have experienced political change: Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida stepped down in October, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol was impeached over a martial law declaration, and new U.S. President Donald Trump canceled exercises with South Korea in his first term, claiming they were too expensive and pushing both Seoul and Tokyo to increase payments to support the U.S. military presence in their countries. It remains to be seen how these recent shakeups will affect future military exercises.

A U.S. Air Force B-1B Lancer flies in the front of a formation with two U.S. Air Force F-16 Fighting Falcons, left, and two Republic of Korea Air Force F-15K Slam Eagles, right, during a bilateral training event above South Korea Feb. 20, 2025. The training helped ensure the combat readiness of combined and joint air assets in the Indo-Pacific theater by building proficiency in aircrew tactics, techniques, and procedures. (Courtesy photo by ROK Air Force).

Pratt Gets $1.5B to Sustain F-22 Engine—and Is Working on Upgrades

Pratt Gets $1.5B to Sustain F-22 Engine—and Is Working on Upgrades

The Air Force has awarded RTX’s Pratt & Whitney a $1.5 billion contract to sustain the F-22 Raptor fleet’s F119 engines for three years, the company announced Feb. 20.

A Pratt official said the contract covers “integrated logistics support, which means engineering, forecasting, manufacturing, purchasing and part order” for around 400 engines. The F-22 fleet numbers about 180 aircraft, each using two F119 engines, plus spares.

Pratt officials said they are also working on an “incremental modernization” of the F119, and have made a software update to increase thrust, which could be useful in case the Air Force needs to extend the F-22’s service life given uncertainties about the Next-Generation Air Dominance program.

“We’re currently in discussions with the Air Force and Lockheed [Martin] about initiating another update,” said Caroline Cooper, Pratt’s executive director for the F119, in a Feb. 19 call with reporters. Lockheed Martin is the airframe builder for the F-22.

Cooper noted that the F-22 “is undergoing modernization efforts, and as new capabilities are fitted in the airframe … the engine will play a critical role in supporting them.”

Pratt is trying to get ahead of any increase in engine requirements given “the uncertainty surrounding NGAD,” she noted.

As recently as three years ago, the Air Force planned to start retiring the F-22 in 2030 in favor of the sixth-generation NGAD, with officials saying they needed a new air dominance platform to stay ahead of adversary fifth-gen fighters like China’s J-20. Last year, however, the Air Force paused work on NGAD amid concerns about its cost and requirements. It will be up to the new Trump administration’s incoming Air Force leaders to decide NGAD’s fate.

In the interim, the Air Force has been preparing capability improvements for the Raptor, suggesting it will likely keep flying well Into the 2030s. These include infrared search and track systems, other improved sensors, reduced radar cross section and stealthy, low-drag fuel tanks to increase its range. The F-22 is also getting a new long-range air-to-air missile, the AIM-260 Joint Advanced Tactical Missile, reportedly in flight test.   

To those improvements, Pratt is adding its own proactive effort to improve the F119. That push “leverages learnings from a number of ongoing trade studies and internal investment,” Cooper said.

One approach, which also plays a key role in the new F119 sustainment contract, is the Usage-Based Lifing data tracking system, a Pratt spokesperson said.

The UBL system “leverages real-time data to enhance maintenance efficiency and extend engine life, while also improving the engine’s kinematic performance with an engine control schedule update,” the company said. “This latest contract will continue these readiness and cost savings efforts with a focus on safety, availability, simplicity of maintenance, and modernization initiatives.”

Cooper rolled out the F119 UBL effort in September 2024, saying the database is now the “single source of truth” about the health and performance of the F119.   

“Through UBL, we leverage real-time flight data tracking; the actual wear-and-tear on engine parts,” Cooper said Feb. 19. “We get to see how the engine is reacting to the pilots’ needs versus simulator scenario planning. We use this data strategically to support sustainment needs, providing maintenance when it’s actually needed, versus when it’s forecast to be needed.”

The UBL system also uses digital tools and modeling to advise the Air Force when F119 parts need to be overhauled and how to efficiently buy spare parts, Cooper said.

“The program is deployed across our entire engine [fleet] and is helping to keep engines on-wing longer,” she reported, adding that “we expect UBL to save the U.S. government nearly $800 million over the life cycle of the program.”

The estimated savings would come by applying UBL data instead of the typical method of sustainment budgeting based on “historical data and average mission usage metrics,” the company said. Assumptions about spares usage couldn’t be tailored to a specific engine’s needs, and maintenance “might be performed earlier or later than necessary, leading to inefficiencies over the long run.”

With UBL, actual usage data “is continuously re-analyzed and allows the customer to take advantage of the full life of the engine parts while reducing risk to the fleet. By capturing full flight data, UBL allows the operator to assess exactly how the aircraft was flown and apply the appropriate level of lifing capacity that was used—saving time and money while improving readiness,” Pratt said. 

Cooper added that the company is now looking to expand UBL to the F135 engine, which powers the F-35 fighter and was based on the F119.

The data collected has also revealed ways to “uncover improved engine performance for our customer,” Cooper said.

“From thorough flight data analysis and pilot interviews, we identified a desire to increase thrust. So, thanks to a software update that we delivered to Lockheed Martin in under a year, we were we were able to unlock enhanced performance for our engine,” she said.

The software change was made to the Full-Authority Digital Engine Control [FADEC], which shifted the automatic limits on what the engine would do “to enable greater kinematic performance,” a Pratt spokesperson said.

Cooper also said Pratt is pursuing additive manufacturing— 3-D printing—for F119 parts.

“We see real value in additive, not only to help simplify the supply chain, but also reduce production time and cost while leading to increased readiness,” she said. Pratt has already explored using additive production for F135 parts and is now expanding that to the F119, she said.

Asked if the Air Force has asked Pratt to start producing a stockpile of parts or take other measures in anticipation of retiring the F119, Cooper said such moves aren’t part of the three-year sustainment contract.

“We’re taking into consideration, again, that there is an NGAD pause, and obviously that was meant to replace the F-22. … As long as the Air Force keeps the F-22 flying, we’re committed to making sure that the F119 is optimal to employ all capabilities,” she said.

A company spokesperson later said that “follow-on contracts will be discussed with the customer as we collaboratively assess evolving needs.”

Pratt also received a $186 million Navy contract on Feb. 19 for material and support equipment for F135 depots and sustainment activities across all users.

The F119 generates more than 35,000 pounds of thrust, and allows the F-22 to operate above 65,000 feet. It was the first jet engine designed to “supercruise”: achieve and maintain supersonic speed without using afterburners.

Hegseth Seeks $50B in Cuts to Pay for New Priorities

Hegseth Seeks $50B in Cuts to Pay for New Priorities

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has ordered a swift and sweeping review of the Pentagon budget, seeking cuts worth 8 percent of total spending over the next five years that he intends to shift to fund higher priority defense projects, according to a memorandum obtained by Air & Space Forces Magazine.

Hegseth directed the military services, defense agencies, and combatant commands to propose cuts totaling 8 percent of their budgets over the next five years, starting with the fiscal 2026 budget, he wrote in the memo dated Feb. 18. Hegseth said he was conducting a “relook” of the budget.

Some programs and offices will be exempt from the budget-cutting exercise, which is understood to provide defense organizations a means to prioritize their program and spending choices, a person familiar with the matter said. There are 17 specific areas that will be exempt from cuts, including the Air Force’s Collaborative Combat Aircraft program, nuclear modernization, one-way attack drones, and munitions.

Hegseth “has directed a review to identify offsets” from the Biden administration’s draft fiscal 2026 budget to fund priorities including “securing our borders” and building an “Iron Dome for America” missile defense system, said a Pentagon statement attributed to Acting Deputy Secretary of Defense Robert G. Salesses on Feb. 19.

“The Department will develop a list of potential offsets that could be used to fund [Trump administration] priorities, as well as to refocus the Department on its core mission of deterring and winning wars,” Salesses said. “The offsets are targeted at 8 percent of the Biden administration’s FY26 budget, totaling around $50 billion, which will then be spent on programs aligned with President Trump’s priorities.”

The current Pentagon budget is roughly $850 billion.

Hegseth wrote he wanted to “resource the capabilities and readiness necessary for a wartime tempo and offset those requirements with low-impact items.” Proposed cuts are due to be submitted by DOD organizations and services by Feb. 24.

Bloomberg was the first to report Hegseth’s spending shift.

Hegseth’s directive comes as representatives from DOGE—President Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency commission, directed by Elon Musk—have begun to work at the Pentagon, seeking to slash government spending, staffing, and waste. DOGE has already directed cuts at other agencies, and the Washington Post reports that the Pentagon could soon begin laying off thousands of probationary civilian employees as part of that effort. DOGE actions are understood to be distinct from any reallocation of funding ordered by Hegseth, who has cited spending on climate change initiatives and diversity, equity, and inclusion programs as examples of programs deserving to be cut.

“The time for preparation is over—we must act urgently to revive the warrior ethos, rebuild our military, and reestablish deterrence,” Hegseth wrote in the memo. “Our budget request will resource the fighting force we need, cease unnecessary spending, reject excessive bureaucracy, and drive actionable reform, including progress on the audit.”

SDA, Its Boss Still in Limbo, Cancels a Disputed Contract

SDA, Its Boss Still in Limbo, Cancels a Disputed Contract

The Space Development Agency will rescind a contract for 10 satellites awarded to Tyvak Nano-Satellite Systems last summer and reopen the competition, Air & Space Forces Magazine has confirmed—but uncertainty continues to swirl around the organization whose director was abruptly suspended in January. 

SDA awarded Tyvak a $254 million contract in August 2024 to build advanced communications satellites for its proliferated constellation in low-Earth orbit. At the time, it also awarded a $170 million deal to York Space Systems. But Viasat protested the award in federal court, alleging SDA had violated federal acquisition regulations by providing Tyvak additional information—prompting Pentagon leaders to place SDA director Derek M. Tournear on administrative leave.

In a status report filed in court on Feb. 14, government lawyers said an SDA employee violated regulations by telling Tyvak its bid was second highest in price. Air & Space Forces Magazine has learned that employee was Tournear, who the filing says directed Tyvak to team with an unnamed contractor and conveying to Tyvak and two other contractors his “own expectations regarding their proposal pricing.”

The agency has since agreed to a corrective action plan, including canceling Tyvak’s contract and reopening the competition for 10 satellites with a new source selection official, according to court documents.

SDA reopened another competition following a protest in 2021, when it released an updated request for proposals for satellites after Maxar Intelligence protested a competition. But in that instance, no contract had been awarded.

An SDA spokesperson confirmed the corrective action plan to Air & Space Forces Magazine and said a new solicitation would be issued “soon.”

With the case resolved, the next question for SDA is what happens to Tournear, who is seen by many as a transformational visionary for his work in driving SDA activities since its inception during the first Trump administration. The SDA spokesperson declined to speculate on his fate. 

Space Development Agency Director Derek M. Tournear, delivers a keynote address at the Mitchell Institute Spacepower Security Forum. Mike Tsukamoto/staff

SDA faces other questions, as well. A recent Pentagon memo called for an “independent review team” to determine the “health” of SDA and its programs, and consider whether it should remain a semi-independent acquisition arm within the Space Force or be absorbed into other structures. Defense One reported recently that the Air Force inspector general’s office has alerted SDA to its intent to review the agency.  

Air & Space Forces Magazine confirmed these memos exist, but has not reviewed their contents. 

SDA made waves and earned plaudits for its fast-paced approach to acquisition, awarding contracts for hundreds of small satellites to go in low-Earth orbit on timelines previously unseen in military space. But its rapid-fire approach has has put the small agency at odds with traditional acquisition insiders and some prime contractors, leading to moments of tension. In October 2023, for example, Tournear took to social media to claim he had faced internal resistance to SDA and pledged to be the “bad cop” as he pushed for change in Pentagon acquisition processes.

Originally established as a “constructive disruptor” within the office of the Secretary of Defense, rather than in the Department of the Air Force, SDA transitioned into the Space Force in 2022.

New Report Critiques Space Force’s Theory for Countering China

New Report Critiques Space Force’s Theory for Countering China

A workshop designed to test the Space Force’s theory of “Competitive Endurance” against the likes of Russia and China validated the concept’s core tenets but exposed “unintended consequences” that could harm the service in the long run, said experts from AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies. 

In a new paper by senior resident fellows and retired Cols. Charles Galbreath and Jennifer Reeves, released Feb. 18, the authors acknowledge the limitations of budgets but still question some of the Space Force’s choices in the face of growing threats in orbit and continued skepticism about military space within the Pentagon and the public at large. 

“By focusing on solely surviving the competition instead of winning [and] putting the sanctity of the domain above all other objectives—despite our adversaries absolutely not doing the same—we are eroding the warfighting mindset that is necessary for a military service,” Reeves said.

Chief of Space Operations Gen. B. Chance Saltzman first unveiled his “Competitive Endurance” theory in March 2023, offering it as a framework for how the service can protect U.S. interests in space while managing growing competition with other great powers. But he noted then that the theory was intended not as an answer, but as “a starting point for a dialogue I believe is critical.” 

The Mitchell Institute moved to jump-start that dialogue in October 2024, hosting a workshop for 55 participants from the Space Force, combatant commands, other Pentagon offices, Congress, industry, academia, and more. 

A participant captures notes during the Mitchell Institute’s Space Endurance in Competition workshop last October, at Air & Space Forces Association headquarters in Arlington, Va. Photo by Mike Tsukamoto/Air & Space Forces Magazine

Participants were tasked with finding ways to resolve a series of hypothetical crises in space over the next 25 years, from Russia deploying a nuclear anti-satellite weapon in orbit to China requesting help for a lunar rescue mission. 

The results validated some existing Space Force efforts, workshop leaders said, such as the push for greater space domain awareness, the need for high-end training, and the desire to cooperate more closely among the U.S. military services and with allies and partners. 

“Understanding through domain awareness was absolutely critical to formulating response options, and this required awareness, but it also required awareness that we could share with our allies and partners, as well as with the American people, so they [too could] understood the consequences,” Galbreath said during a rollout event for the paper.

But analysts identified persistent issues with the way participants treated the space domain and the Space Force—issues they say “Competitive Endurance” isn’t helping. 

Space Force leaders have not defined how they could “win” a competition or conflict with China, Galbreath noted, citing the Space Force white paper defining the “Competitive Endurance” theory. The theory seems to emphasize avoiding conflict, not creating orbital debris, and thus “surviving” competition, potentially hamstringing the Space Force against unconstrained adversaries. 

Given limited resources and long-standing policies to not militarize space, Reeves said the theory is “as good as it can be.” But after analyzing the workshop results, in which participants were not constrained by policy or budget, Galbreath and Reeves concluded that the theory’s focus on preserving the “sanctity of the domain” and its lack of focus on winning risk not using space as a true warfighting domain. 

Reeves and Galbreath cited examples in which Guardian participants in the workshop deferred to commercial capabilities or to other services putting personnel in space years in future operations. 

“When that question was brought up during the workshop, and Guardians were like, ‘I don’t know if that’s really ours or not,’ then you had a former Marine stand up and said, ‘If there’s soil underneath the feet, that’s going to be a Soldier or it’s going to be a Marine,’” Galbreath said. “Nobody stood up and said, ‘That’s not right. It’s space. We need to have space experts doing that activity.’” 

At other times, participants stuck to longstanding policy rather than risk more aggressive actions. “Many of the participants still thought of space as a sanctuary where only strategic actions could take place,” Reeves said. “Many treated it like the old days, where any offensive actions in space must be considered on par with the use of nuclear weapons.” 

Failing to normalize space as a warfighting domain, where victory can be achieved by imposing costs on an adversary, could backfire, Galbreath and Reeves warned. The risk is that the public will not understand the need for a Space Force—and fail to invest appropriately.  

“We believe that popular support, and by extension, congressional support, will wane for a military service not focused on winning,” Reeves argued. “And this is a cycle. With less national support and will, funding dries up. Questions about the need for a military service exclusively for space become more prevalent, and it ultimately undermines our ability to create that spacepower advantage that underpins all military operations.” 

A strategy aimed at “winning,” paired with a bigger budget and policy changes, are crucial to deterring conflict in space, the experts concluded.

Still, Galbreath and Reeves praised the three core tenets of “competitive endurance”—avoid operational surprise, deny first-move advantage, and conduct responsible counter-space campaigning—saying that all six scenarios workshop scenarios validated the need for better domain awareness to avoid operational surprise.  

Commanders across the globe universally want more intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance, and Saltzman has called for more “actionable” space domain awareness—suggesting space will be no different in that way than the land, air, and sea domains.  

More than 60 experts gathered for the Mitchell Institute Space Endurance in Competition workshop on October 29, 2024, at Air & Space Forces Association headquarters in Arlington, Va.
Photo by Mike Tsukamoto/Air & Space Forces Magazine

The workshop also validated the need for sharing domain awareness information between allies and partners, a move that would require classification reforms that have been ongoing. 

In scenarios where Russia or China deployed new weapons in space, such as a nuclear ASAT or hunter-killer satellites, participants found that proliferating U.S. and allied assets and having the ability to replenish them quickly were critical—essentially denying the first-mover advantage. 

When it came to counter-space campaigning, participants found that having kinetic and nonkinetic offensive and defensive options were key to resolving many of the crises—even as longstanding sensitivities about putting weapons in space persisted, said Robert “Otis” Winkler, an executive at Kratos Defense and a workshop participant. 

“One of my big takeaways in the group I was leading was this paradigm of space as a sanctuary, and this idea of a peaceful space,” said Winkler, a retired Air Force colonel and former DARPA executive. “Some of them had a hard time contemplating it, moving into a warfighting domain. And so there was a real paradigm shift that I saw as they worked through some of these problems in counter-space campaigning.” 

Indeed, concerns about creating orbital debris are an oft-repeated concern when the topic of space weapons comes up. But self-censoring doesn’t help deterrence, said Arnie Streland, an executive with Northrop Grumman who also participated in the workshop. Streland praised space leaders like U.S. Space Command boss Gen. Stephen N. Whiting have gradually become more comfortable speaking up. 

“You need to be able to openly say, ‘Here’s our capabilities and limitations to integrate space into the fight,’” Streland said. “[Gen. Whiting] has talked about space fires because that’s a way of integrating with the other services, speaking in terms like the Army uses, direct and indirect fires. Using terms that make sense and make integration sense in a joint fight, those are all essential if space is going to be integrated and effective in future conflicts.” 

Concerns about debris in space resulting from military action are not the central concern of the Space Force, but rather are factors that must be taken into account by political leaders and policymakers, not the military. 

“We need to be able to provide a range of options to our decision-makers, and some of those might include the potential creation of debris,” Galbreath said. “They need to understand that that is an option, these are the consequences of taking that action. But if we only have do nothing or create debris, we’re not giving our leaders a good enough set of options to choose from.” 

Can Troops Be Paid More Efficiently? New Report Explores How

Can Troops Be Paid More Efficiently? New Report Explores How

About a month after the Defense Department issued a sweeping analysis of military compensation, a new report offers recommendations for making base pay, allowances, special pays, and performance incentives more efficient.

Written by a researcher from the federally funded RAND Corporation, the report focused on how the Army can meet its personnel readiness goals at lower costs, but many of its recommendations apply to the entire military, since most elements of compensation are set by Congress and the Office of the Secretary of Defense.

Military personnel costs, including health care, totaled $226 billion in fiscal 2023, about 30 percent of the overall defense budget. According to the Congressional Budget Office, it is set to be the Pentagon’s second biggest account in 2025.

The RAND report predates recent efforts by President Donald Trump to improve government efficiency, and several of its recommendations are similar to those made by the recent 14th Quadrennial Review of Military Compensation (QRMC). In fact, the report author, RAND senior principal economist Beth Asch, and her colleagues provided much of the analysis on which the QRMC is based. But some recommendations diverge, particularly regarding how the military sets troops’ base pay.

Pay and Pay Raises

The QRMC found that military compensation is “strongly competitive” with the civilian labor market. On average, enlisted troops make more money than 82 percent of their civilian counterparts with similar education and experience, while officers make more than 75 percent. 

Asch questioned in her report whether military compensation is too competitive. Military pay substantially exceeds the Defense Department’s historical benchmark of the 70th percentile of civilian pay, while recruiting, retention, and recruit quality in terms of education levels and aptitude has also exceeded Pentagon targets, RAND wrote.

“Pay is an emotional issue: this is how people feed their families,” Asch told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “My role in this, and I acknowledge it’s a limited role, is to ask the question: ‘do we have a compensation system that supports the readiness requirements of the military at least cost, and do we have an efficient system?’ 

“If we’re meeting those key personnel readiness objectives and even exceeding them,” she added, “it’s a fair question: is it possible we’re paying too much?” 

enlisted pay
A Naval Support Activity Mid-South Sailor takes a moment to decide which credit card to use to complete his purchase at the local commissary. (U.S. Navy photo)

The report cautioned that recent shifts in the labor market and high inflation mean it’s unclear if military compensation continues to be too high, especially after multiple branches missed their recruiting goals in recent years. But recruiting problems alone are not often solved by higher pay, Asch said.

“When you have only a recruiting problem, there are more effective, targeted policy tools such as advertising, more recruiters, bonuses, and a more effective recruiting infrastructure,” she said. 

Part of the problem with pay is the metric for civilian pay that the Pentagon uses to guide its annual pay raises. Since at least the 1990s, it has used the Employment Cost Index (ECI), which comes from a vast Bureau of Labor Statistics survey of how much businesses and civilian government entities spend on compensation. 

One issue with the ECI is that it encompasses the entire U.S. civilian workforce, while the military workforce skews young, male, and with different education levels than the broader market. Another issue is that it is based on employer costs rather than worker earnings, which means it can be inaccurate during economic downturns and expansions, RAND researchers wrote. 

Asch proposed a different metric: the Defense Employment Cost Index (DECI), which she argued better reflects military demographics, considers the labor market from the employee perspective, and can be customized to subgroups such as occupational specialties. 

“Such flexibility not only makes the DECI valuable in setting the annual pay raise but also could allow it to contribute to other aspects of military compensation, such as the differential use of enlistment or reenlistment bonuses,” Asch wrote.

The QRMC similarly praised the metric but did not include implementing it in its list of recommendations. Instead, the compensation review panel advised computing the ECI closer to the annual pay raise to reduce the lag between the two events and use DECI as a supplemental or more tailored guide.

Either way, troop pay likely won’t be reduced any time soon. The 14th QRMC recommended keeping enlisted troops in the 75th to 80th percentile of the workforce, and officers around the 75th percentile. Congress is also dedicated to raising troop pay, with a 4.5 percent across-the-board bump for all service members that started Jan. 1—plus an extra 10 percent on top of that for junior enlisted pay grades up to E-4, starting April 1.

Performance Incentives

Asch also analyzed how the Defense Department incentivizes high performance, where part of the difficulty is measuring that performance.

“It’s not like counting the number of T-shirts that seamstresses at a sewing factory produced in one day,” she explained. “They’re producing something that’s difficult to measure, in a team setting, in a difficult environment.”

Promotion speed is the standard, if imperfect, gauge for measuring performance. But while junior ranks promote automatically after a certain amount of time in service, the competition for promotion gets tougher in the higher ranks, especially in recent years as the Air Force restructured the enlisted force. 

Basic pay depends on grade (rank) and years of service, which means higher performers who promote early eventually lose their financial edge as the competition for promotion gets tougher and their peers catch up to their current rank. Asch suggested in her report switching to a time-in-grade model which “confers a permanent financial reward to faster promotion and increases performance incentives.”

RAND simulations showed the time-in-grade metric led to higher performance and retention at a lower cost. But switching would lead to an average pay cut of about six percent for about a third of the Active-Duty force and exacerbate pay differences between troops stuck at different grades for reasons other than performance. Asch suggested creating a demonstration project in a specific community such as the Space Force to better understand the pros and cons of such a system.

A 2017 photo of an Air Force family’s budget planning method. (U.S. Air Force photo by Senior Airman Sadie Colbert)

Allowances

RAND, the 14th QRMC, and outside experts agree that the military’s methods for calculating allowances for food, housing, and other cost of living expenses need an upgrade. The basic structures for allowances are largely the same as they were in the 1990s, RAND wrote, and they have not kept up with recent inflation and high housing costs.

Specifically, the U.S. Department of Agriculture food plan that the Basic Allowance for Subsistence is based on was last updated in 2007 and does not meet Defense Department nutrition standards. The fiscal 2022 defense budget started a Basic Needs Allowance to address high rates of reported food insecurity among service members, but it’s not clear if increased income alone will fix the problem.

For example, Asch asked in her report, why do enlisted troops report higher rates of food insecurity than comparable civilians, despite earning more money than 75 percent of them? 

A 2023 RAND report found several acute factors that contribute to food insecurity, include loss of spouse income and other financial disruptions after moving to a new assignment; lack of affordable child care; and low pay for junior troops with large families. Other factors include lack of financial literacy and financial mismanagement; chronic spouse unemployment or underemployment; and financially supporting extended family members who are not considered dependents.

The Defense Department needs to better understand those root factors by creating better surveys that refine its measurements of food insecurity, Asch argued.

“It’s a hard problem, and what would be unfortunate is if they raise pay and there’s still food insecurity,” Asch said. “Ultimately what you want to do is really drill down and fully understand what is going on. Then it might be a myriad of solutions, not just one switch like increasing pay.”

Big Picture

RAND’s report also suggested the efficiency of pays and benefits might be improved by giving troops a “cafeteria plan” that lets them choose between cash and in-kind benefits. The report also called for a review of the Blended Retirement System. Eight years after being implemented, there still is no thorough analysis of whether it improved on the legacy retirement system. 

Gauging the efficiency of the entire military personnel compensation system requires a big picture view, Asch noted. Today, several of those costs, such as family housing, medical care, schools, commissaries, and other in-kind benefits exist outside the military personnel budget account, which limits policy makers’ ability to get that big picture.

The RAND report called for incorporating all military personnel costs into the military personnel budget. The goal is to figure out the best way to compensate members to increase readiness, Asch said, and policymakers can’t chart that without a clear view of all the tools available.

“I suspect that there is stovepiping, that the people who are making decisions about those in-kind benefits are not necessarily coordinating with the people making those personnel and pay decisions,” Asch said, echoing the concerns of other experts. “The budget reflects the organization, and I don’t know whether those people are talking to one another.”