CCA Increment 2 Requirements Left for New Air Force Leadership to Choose

Dec. 10, 2024 | By John A. Tirpak

The Air Force still hasn’t set the requirements for the second increment of its Collaborative Combat Aircraft program, service acquisition executive Andrew Hunter said, leaving decisions about the project—such as payloads and whether it will be more or less sophisticated than Increment 1—to the incoming Trump administration.

Hunter also said during an event at the Center for Strategic and International Studies that the ongoing review of the Next-Generation Air Dominance fighter includes a “combined analysis” of the Next-Generation Air-refueling System, or NGAS, as the two are closely linked. Like the CCA program, Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall has deferred any decisions about the future of NGAD to the next administration.

Progress on Increment 2 of CCA, “loyal wingman” drones meant to fly alongside manned platforms, has already been stalled, as Congress has not passed a fiscal 2025 defense budget with funds to start the next phase of the program, Hunter said.

In the meantime, the Air Force is still wrestling with “working through different options. Is it more capable? Is it more affordable? Where on the spectrum will Increment 2 land? Those are questions to be explored,” Hunter said.

“We do have some ideas of how we would see Increment 2 fitting into the broader Air Force force design, and that will help shape that dialog with industry,” he said, without elaborating on those ideas.

“We’ll work closely with industry in doing that work, because I think different companies may well have different concepts,” he added. “Some will prove to be more advantageous and more innovative than others, and then we can start to hone in on exactly what does Increment 2 look like. So … still a lot to be determined in that process.”

Service officials had said they expected to provide industry with their preferred ideas for Increment 2 by the end of this year, but Hunter’s comments indicate that’s not going to happen.

Increment 1 of the CCA program—intended to provide a relatively low-cost, autonomous escort for fighters—is being built by Anduril Industries and General Atomics Aeronautical Systems. Increment 2 was initially seen as a more advanced platform, with a high degree of stealth and capability, but more recently, service leaders have said it could be a less sophisticated aircraft built in large quantities. The Air Force has been wargaming various future force mixes to see what characteristics provide the greatest combat payoff.

In wargames conducted last year, large numbers of cheap—but not necessarily disposable—CCAs seemed to answer more theater commander needs than smaller numbers of very stealthy ones.

Hunter emphasized that the CCA program is ongoing and iterative, and that good ideas will get the attention they deserve.

“Those vendors who didn’t succeed in Increment 1 were able to take a lot of the work that they had done, a lot of the design teams, and … put them directly against Increment 2,” Hunter added. “So this is not a high stakes ‘win or lose for 30 years’ for industry. If they don’t succeed in one competition, the next competition is right around the corner.”

Boeing, Lockheed Martin, and Northrop Grumman reportedly submitted Increment 1 concepts that were substantially stealthier and more complex than Anduril and General Atomics’ selected proposals. Some industry officials whose proposals didn’t win have confessed to misreading the Air Force’s desires and have said they plan to offer less costly and sophisticated concepts for Increment 2.

Hunter said the Air Force has strived throughout the three-year life of the CCA program to “sustain competition over time among multiple competitors,” and this is “a feature of having these different increments.”

At this point, there’s “nothing to say” about a potential Increment 3, which senior USAF officials have previously speculated could be a program conducted in partnership with an international partner. Increment 3 is “a little bit out there in the future,” Hunter said.

Hunter also said the CCA will have a very different sustainment model than USAF’s traditional approach, echoing previous comments from Chief of Staff Gen. David W. Allvin.

Traditionally, most of the flying in the Air Force is done for training, but because the CCA’s “crew” will be a computer, that’s not necessary, he said.

“It will not be the case that every CCA has to routinely fly for training purposes, as you would see with a crewed platform. So I think … the sustainment approach to CCA will be simpler.” He added that “they will not be 30-year, 50-year assets” and won’t be designed that way.

“My expectation is, sustainment costs for CCA are likely to be lower than a crewed platform, and I would expect by a reasonable margin, but … [programmers] have to really dig into that. They’re very good at doing this sort of analysis and understand those implications,” he said.

NGAD and NGAS

Hunter also said there’s “no outcome yet” on the analysis of whether or how the Next-Generation Air Dominance program should be restructured.

There’s been “a lot of very good analysis being done in a very rigorous fashion there,” he said, especially in terms of how the NGAD will be complemented by the Next-Generation Air-refueling System (NGAS). The review has been “a combined analysis” of the two projects, he said.

“It makes sense to look at them at the same time and to have complementary, if not even combined, analysis of those things,” he said.

“The key part of that analysis will come when the FY 26 POM (Program Objective Memoranda) is finalized, and that will happen next year,” Hunter noted, adding there’s “not much more to say about that.”

He allowed that an analysis of alternatives for NGAS is “very mature and is definitely reaching the final stages,” and this has revealed insights about the future tanker fleet.

New B-52 Engine Covers Keep Ice Away in Harsh Winters

Dec. 10, 2024 | By David Roza

Special new covers developed by Air Force Global Strike Command should save time and money by keeping B-52 bomber engines from icing up in Arctic environments.

With regular deployments to northern Europe and a wing stationed in North Dakota, B-52s are no strangers to chilly weather. Maintainers cover the aircraft’s eight engines to protect them from the cold, but the current system does not provide a full seal or sufficient insulation, Charles Hoffman, Global Strike Command’s chief of media operations, told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

That means ice, which can damage the engines, delay takeoffs, and force Airmen to spend time de-icing the engines, Master Sgt. Adam Vasas, a champion for the new cover project, said in a Nov. 20 press release.

“We found 10 engines were damaged across 2021-2023 due to ice debris, which resulted in $17 million in damages and 160-plus manhours lost,” he said.

Airman 1st Class Samantha Coleman, 5th Aircraft Maintenance electronic countermeasures specialist, de-ices a B-52H Stratofortress at Minot Air Force Base, N.D., Jan. 11, 2017. A mixture of heated fluid and hot water is sprayed on the bombers prior to launching in cold weather conditions. (U.S. Air Force photo/Airman 1st Class J.T. Armstrong)

Fixing the issue fell to STRIKEWERX, a kind of innovation incubator that helps research, test, and scale solutions to Global Strike Command problems. STRIKEWERX started looking into the engine icing problem in July 2022, and by that October it had a prototype modified from a previous design that would let maintainers heat the engine cowling of the B-52. That prototype did not pan out, but Vasas and other experts kept working on it.

The result is the Transhield Pod Cover, which wraps around the engines to seal all ducts, inlets, and exhausts. Also used to protect boats, commercial aircraft engines, and other military equipment, the Transhield ArmorDillo fabric is covered in polyurethane, which prevents water intrusion and corrosion, Hoffman said.

“Maintainers will now have the ability to operate more efficiently in Arctic weather environments, while people and equipment previously dedicated to keeping the engines warm can be utilized elsewhere or saved in reserve,” Vasas said in the release.

b-52 engine cover — New covers should prevent ice from building up on B-52 engines for the entire fleet at Minot Air Force Base, N.D. (U.S. Air Force Courtesy Photo by Master Sgt. Adam Vasas)

Unlike past covers, this one has a built-in adaptor that lets maintainers attach a ground heater hose to blow heated air into the engine inlets.

“The heating becomes necessary due to extreme low temperatures,” Hoffman said. “This is a standard maintenance practice and the covers allow the heating to be more efficient by containing the heat [and] by blocking the wind and insulation.”

The Air Force Operational Energy Savings Account gave Minot Air Force Base $1.2 million to buy engine covers for its entire B-52 fleet. Each cover costs about $12,800, but they should save about 7,500 manhours, according to the release.

The new covers are designed for the B-52H equipped with T-33 engines, Hoffman explained. They will remain functional until the arrival of the B-52J, an improved version with new engines, radar, communications, navigation, and other equipment to keep the bomber running through the 2050s. The J model will sport Rolls Royce F130-200 engines with new nacelles and pylons, which would require new engine covers.

That’s still a few years away though: a government watchdog report in June estimated that the B-52J won’t reach initial operational capability until 2033.

Saltzman Defines 6 ‘Core Truths’ About Space Force and Warfighting

Dec. 10, 2024 | By Greg Hadley

ORLANDO, Fla.—As the Space Force nears its fifth birthday, Chief of Space Operations Gen. B. Chance Saltzman emphasized Guardians’ unique role as warfighters and defined what he called “six core truths” about the Space Force and its warfighting operational purpose.

“Guardians are warfighters, not simply force providers,” Saltzman said during the Spacepower 2024 conference, but that role is not well understood across the nation nor even among the services. “This is another one of those things that older services take for granted. Can you imagine telling a Marine that they’re not a warfighter, that the Marine Corps is just a force provider? Absolutely not.”

Yet questions about the nature of the Space Force have persisted since its creation five years ago, on Dec. 20, 2019. While some argue the Space Force should focus solely on operational support for other services, Saltzman has consistently emphasized the need for the Space Force to think and operate like the warfighters needed to ensure the U.S. military retains its strategic advantages in space—and to counter adversaries’ efforts to degrade or deny those advantages.

Saltzman cited six “core truths” about the Space Force:

Space Force capabilities are critical to the joint force

The Space Force must defend its capabilities for the Joint Force to project power

The Space Force must protect the Joint Force from space-enabled targeting

Space is a warfighting domain

The Space Force is responsible for organizing, training, equipping, and operating space capabilities

Guardians are uniquely trained for warfighting in, from, and to space.

“We still have a lot of educating [to do],” Saltzman said. “Even within our service, there are people who don’t fully understand.”

Yet signs of progress are encouraging: Saltzman cited U.S. Indo-Pacific Command boss Adm. Samuel Paparo’s views on space as an example.

“He will right out say, if we can’t have space superiority, I won’t be able to achieve my objectives in the western Pacific,” Saltzman said of Paparo. “That’s your U.S. Navy, regional combatant commander, saying how important space superiority is for the joint force.”

Paparo’s reliance on space in the Indo-Pacific is signficant. China’s ambitions in the region and its growing space capabilities pose a threat—and USSF is determined to counter those advances.

“Our best PR comes from China and Russia,” Saltzman said. “Every time somebody says, ‘Well, how much do we really need to invest,’ one of those countries does something incredibly irresponsible in space, and they say, ‘OK, we get it.’”

Yet there are hurdles to gaining the recognition the Space Force craves.

“We have to deny the adversary the use of their space-enabled targeting, so we have to do responsible counterspace campaigning,” Saltzman said. “And that’s where I think we’re in the biggest back-and-forth in continuing education. What precisely do we need? What technologies are available and have proven themselves, that allow us to do the kind of counterspace activities that we need? And I think there’s a negotiation going on. There’s education going on.”

Military space leaders have grown more and more comfortable talking about counterspace requirements, a major change from only a few years ago when even the mention of offensive space weapons would get officials “kind of berated by their senior leadership,” Saltzman said.

But officials have begun to be a little more daring. Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and JROC Chair Adm. Christopher Grady referenced space weapons in a recent interview with Defense Scoop, saying, “We know that hypersonics allow us to defeat adversary hypersonics; and then, we also know that hypersonics allow us to leverage hypersonic aircraft and spacecraft missions in those two domains.”

Bolder discussion of offensive space is necessary, advocates say, so the Space Force can better deter adversaries—and doing so can also help define the service as a warfighting organization.

“It’s our job to make sure that we think through the spectrum of operations, the spectrum of needs that are necessary, and we produce capabilities,” Saltzman said. “So while we’ve held it close to the vest before, some of that was just kind of hand-wringing, it wasn’t really something we needed to protect.

“… We have to be able to deny first-mover advantage by being resilient. That’s a warfighting capability. And we have to conduct counterspace operations to deny an adversary the ability to target our forces with space-enabled targeting. Those are offensive and defensive capabilities.”

Creating doubt and mystery also has a certain warfighting value. The Space Force does not need to show its entire hand, Saltzman said.

“You’re not going to get that from any warfighting organization: ‘Let me tell you precisely how I intend to attack an adversary’ so that they can respond in a way to counter,” he added. The Space Force’s job is like any military service: to field capabilities so they can be used to achieve intended effects; and the more credibility it has, the more wary its adversaries will be.

Guardsmen to Guardians: New NDAA Gives Space Force What It Wants

Dec. 9, 2024 | By Greg Hadley

The Space Force is feeling the love from Congress, which approved its biggest wishes, such as converting space-oriented Air National Guard units into Space Force ones, in the compromise 2025 National Defense Authorization bill unveiled Dec. 7.

Congress backed multiple Space Force priorities in the 1,800-page bill, which sets policy for the Pentagon.

Enabling the Secretary of the Air Force to transfer Air National Guard units with space missions into the Space Force may be the biggest of these, laying to rest a roiling debate over whether the Guard would gain an ongoing role in the newest military service. The Space Force sought a simpler system with a single component, including neither a National Guard nor a Reserve. Instead, USSF will have full- and part-time members, unique among the armed services.

The House sought to allow the move only if the Secretary gained approval of the governors in whose states those space-focused units were located. But the Senate argued in favor of the Space Force vision, and won out in the end. But the Department of the Air Force proposal did not win its entirety. The NDAA, if approved, will limit to 578 the number of personnel the Space Force can transfer, rather than the 700 personnel cited in an Air Force study. Nor can any individual Guard member be transferred to the Space Force without their consent. Finally, the measure requires the Space Force “to the maximum extent practicable” not to relocate any individuals for three years following the transfer, and to keep units in the state where they are now located for 10 years.

The Air National Guard must retrain and reassign any Guard member who decides against transfer.

Not included in the transfer, but still subject to study, is the 222nd Command and Control Squadron, a New York National Guard unit that provides support to the National Reconnaissance Office. The bill requires a report on “the organizational future of the 222nd, focusing on options that ensure the unit’s continued support to the NRO while accounting for its broader integration into U.S. space missions,” lawmakers wrote. Options include incorporating the 222nd into the Space Force, keeping it in the Guard, or creating a hybrid structure.

The National Guard Association of the United State derided the decision to forgo a Space National Guard as a “backroom deal … struck in defiance of a century of legal precedence, the fierce opposition of the nation’s governors, and the clear intentions of the incoming administration.” That last point suggests the issue might come up again. President-elect Donald Trump promised at NGAUS conference this summer that he would establish a Space National Guard, a decision that is not up to him alone, but rather must be enacted in law by Congress.

Acquisition Moves

The NDAA, which is expected to be approved this week, also approves the Commercial Augmentation Space Reserve, a program for incorporating industry satellites and space systems in peace and wartime to supplement the military.

Often compared to the Civil Reserve Air Fleet, the CASR is a key part of the Space Force’s broader goal to tie commercial capabilities into its structure as much as possible. Officials have said the first CASR contracts will go out in early 2025.

Another provision gives the Assistant Secretary of the Air Force for space acquisition the power to put on a watch list companies that do not perform as required.

Assistant Secretary for Space Acquisition Frank Calvelli has led a charge to transform the military’s space acquisition enterprise and has not been shy about criticizing industry for poor performance. He has said he would use the watch list more liberally—right now, Space Systems Command is responsible for adding companies to the list and has only done so once.

The NDAA would make Calvelli’s office responsible for maintaining the watch list and grant him broader latitude for putting companies on it by inserting a catch-all clause saying a contractor can be added to the list if there is evidence of “any other failure of controls or performance of a nature so serious or compelling as to warrant placement of the contractor on the watch list.”

The bill would also add extra limits to what the Space Force can do with a contractor on the watch list, such as awarding a contract or subcontract, exercising an option on a contract, or executing a grant, cooperative agreement or other transaction.

Another provision in the bill requires “completion and operation of satellite ground systems before associated satellite launches,” while allowing the Secretary of the Air Force to waive that requirement as needed. Calvelli has made finishing ground systems before launch one of his key tenets for successful space acquisition.

JSE: How Air Force Aims to Get More Pilots into ‘World’s Best F-35 Simulator’

Dec. 9, 2024 | By Tobias Naegele

ORLANDO, Fla.—The same virtual test environment used to complete operational testing for the F-35 is now driving the “best F-35 trainer in the world” and is about to be replicated from a single site in southern Maryland to five “super sites” around the nation.

The Air Force and Navy are pouring billions into the Joint Simulation Environment to expand the system from its starting point at the Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division, Patuxent Naval Air Station, Md., to far larger installations at Nellis Air Force Base, Nev.; Edwards Air Force Base, Calif.; and Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, Alaska.

Longer term, the Air Force plans to have JSE sites at all its F-35 bases, including Hill, Luke, Eglin, Eielson, Davis-Monthan, and other National Guard sites, and overseas bases like RAF Lakenheath in the U.K., said Derek Greer, integrated battlespace simulation and test department head at the Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division (NAWCAD). “We are working with the Air Force and the Navy to get at least an eight-ship of F-35 and manned Red Air at all of these sites,” he said.

Stripped down versions are now at sea on aircraft carriers. Lacking the full-scale simulators at Patuxent River, they still have features that have helped deployed fighter squadrons maintain certain skills in environments where they would not otherwise be able to practice them. All that is possible because of the precise way the simulators mimic the actual flight software.

“JSE was born out of the need to get F-35 through operational test,” said Greer, who led off a panel discussion on JSE at the Interservice/Industry Training and Simulation Conference on Dec. 3. “We did not have the threat density, nor the threat complexity at our open-air ranges to fully stress and evaluate the F-35, so the decision was made long ago that we needed to do a chunk of the F-35 operational test program in a simulator. … In partnership with the Air Force, we built the facility at Pax River to do exactly that.”

In fiscal 2024, 820 F-35 pilots used the JSE trainers at Patuxent River, including Pacific Air Forces squadrons stationed at Eielson Air Force Base, Alaska; RAF Lakenheath; and the Air Force Weapons School at Nellis, Greer said.

Now the Air Force and Navy are working together to scale the system far beyond its original purpose, an ambitious effort that will draw on both military and industry expertise. Col. Matt Ryan, simulators division chief and senior materiel leader for the Air Force Life Cycle Management Center, said scaling the program to become the joint-force training asset envisioned will take years and extensive effort.

Yet the payoff for the effort will be huge: as the number of locations increases, so will the number of pilots that can leverage this training.

“We’re trying to take something that was meant for a single purpose at a single place, almost for a single point in time, and scale that out to be used at many places, for all time, for almost all people,” he said, speaking at the same I/ITSEC briefing. “That’s a pretty significant scaling challenge. It certainly means that the original design as we knew it, even just two or three years ago is probably not going to be sufficient moving ahead. So we spent the last year doing some work to do some re-architecting … so that we can turn it into a scalable solution that deploys well to multiple sites.”

The Nellis site will be a major site for the Air Force, as will the Edwards site, with a lot of validation and developmental test activities. But the primary focus will be mission rehearsal, large force exercises, unit-level training, and continued operational test. “We see other use cases as far as experimentation and potentially developmental tests in the future, but all centered around real-time mission-level operations,” Ryan said.

The F-35 is the only fighter supported in JSE today, but F-22 is in the works he said. Other functions and features could be developed to add space data and, potentially, to make JSE useful to Space Force users, Ryan said.

Funded by the F-35 Joint Program Office, JSE starts with a series of “F-35-in-a-Box” simulators built by F-35 prime contractor Lockheed Martin. The simulators are a full re-hosting of the underlying operational flight program software used in the actual jet, so precise it can be used for operational test and evaluation—and therefore ideal for training, because it is such a precise representation.

The fighter simulator links to a government-owned software integration stack, which incorporates digital models mimicking the performance of U.S. weapons and, even more important, leveraging the latest classified intelligence data to precisely imitate the performance parameters of adversary aircraft and weapons.

That means pilots can using JSE trainers to face the exact threats they would face in combat—including not just kinetic threats, but precisely modeled electromagnetic spectrum effects that take into account clouds, terrain, wind, and other factors.

The level of control, speed, and repetition possible makes JSE not only effective, Greer said, but also highly cost-effective, especially for training in complex multiaircraft operations.

“When we start talking eight-ship training, the Red Air picture, the ground picture—simply getting eight airplanes off the ground for training—you’re talking a very challenging logistical,” Greer said. “Then if we think about what the right air picture would be against that eight ship, it could be eight vs. eight, eight vs. 12, eight vs. 16, 20, whatever. It is very expensive proposition to fly, and fly repeatedly, to get our pilots the reps and sets needed to really become excellent with a tactic. But in JSE, we’re able to do eight, 10, even 12 missions per day. That’s eight vs. 20, 12 times in a day. It is really more than any one squadron can handle.”

JSE is a mission trainer; it does not replicate live-flight performance training and is not a substitute for time spent physically flying the airplane. But the F-35’s capabilities are such that some tactics and procedures and some functionality cannot be leveraged on training ranges because doing so could givie away secrets to potential adversaries. This is where JSE is valuable: providing the ability to run through scenarios repeatedly until pilots are highly skilled in those procedures, Greer said.

“From an affordability perspective, getting those reps and sets in in the simulator, where we don’t need to pay for a lot of gas, we’re not putting all those hours on the engines, it is a huge dividend,” Greer said. And just as importantly, he added, “we’re able to replicate the threat very, very actively—probably more accurately than we can in the open-air range.”

That includes intelligence-derived models for red air, ground, and surface-to-air missile threats. JSE includes the Air Force-developed Virtual Airborne Threat System, which enables red force operators to simulate adversary pilots flying against blue-force operators.

“That has really changed the fidelity, really the ball game in terms of presenting a complicated air picture to our blue fighters,” Greer said. “Having fifth-gen blue fighters actually man red-air cockpits, and bring that maneuverability, has brought our realism to an all-time high.”

One key to the realism is new software called GRID, a high-speed engine that crunches the math to mimic the propagation and performance of radio frequency, infrared, and other signals, accounting for external factors—clouds, mountains, other aircraft—as well as tactical choices, such as angle of attack, angle of depression, and so on, all in real-time.

What’s in the New NDAA: Pay Raises, No F-22 Divestments, and … Beards?

Dec. 9, 2024 | By Greg Hadley

Junior Airmen and Guardians are poised for a massive pay increase, Congress wants a study on letting troops grow beards, but lawmakers are saying no to retiring any F-15E or F-22 fighters.

Those are among the decisions unveiled Dec. 7 when Senate and House lawmakers released their compromise 2025 National Defense Authorization bill, an 1,800-page legislative behemoth setting policy for the Pentagon.

The House passed its version of the NDAA and the Senate Armed Services Committee cleared its markup in June, each with unique provisions and implications for the Air Force and Space Force. But while those bills faced a long road to becoming law, the new compromise NDAA is almost certain to be approved in the coming weeks with few or no modifications.

Here are some of the biggest likely impacts on the Department of the Air Force.

Pay Day and Personnel Matters

The most notable effect of the 2025 NDAA for most Airmen and Guardians will be on their paychecks. The measure authorizes a 4.5 percent across-the-board pay raise for all service members starting Jan. 1—plus an extra 10 percent on top of that for junior enlisted paygrades up to E-4, starting April 1.

Overall, it’s the third straight annual raise over 4 percent and the first raise targeted to specific grades in decades. As big as that 14.5 percent increase is, however, it’s less than what House lawmakers wanted. Reps. Chrissy Houlahan (D-Penn.) and Don Bacon (R-Neb.)—both Air Force veterans—chaired the House Armed Services quality of life panel and recommended a 19.5 percent raise. The Congressional Budget Office estimated that would cost more than $24 billion over the next five years; the lesser raise would still cost in the realm of $18 billion over five years.

The White House opposed the targeted increase, arguing major changes should be made in light of recommendations from the Pentagon’s Quadrennial Review on Military Compensation. But broad bipartisan support for the proposal overcame that objection.

Funding for the raise, which will cost $1.6 billion in fiscal 2025, is still subject to approval in the defense appropriations bill, which has not yet been completed.

air force beards — U.S. Air Force Senior Airman Caleb Mills, a boom operator assigned to the 91st Air Refueling Squadron operates boom controls during an air refueling flight to commemorate Black History Month at MacDill Air Force Base, Florida, Feb. 1, 2023. U.S. Air Force photo by Tech. Sgt. Alexander Cook.

A House proposal directing the Secretary of the Air Force to create a three-year pilot program allowing Airmen and Guardians to grow beards failed to survive in the final bill. However, the compromise measure directs the Secretary to brief lawmakers on “the feasibility and advisability” of establishing such a pilot program. By April 1, the report wants the secretary to answer whether:

Beards would affect airtight seals on gas masks and other equipment

Allowing beards would affect discipline, morale, or unity

Beards could promote more inclusivity for those who suffer from razor burn or want to grow facial hair for religious reasons

there are solutions to mitigate bias or negative perceptions about Airmen and Guardians who chose to grow beards, if authorized

Less than a year after the Air Force announced it was bringing back warrant officers, Congress took a step to allow the service to open the door for civilians to go directly to Warrant Officer Training School. The bill eliminates of a requirement that warrant officer candidates must serve at least one year of Active-Duty service.

Aircraft Numbers

Overall spending authorized in the measure rises just 1 percent, consistent with caps set by the Fiscal Responsibility Act, negotiated by the White House and Republicans in the summer of 2023.

But lawmakers differ from the President in details. The measure, if approved, would authorize six more F-15EX fighter jets than the 18 proposed by the president’s budget. The Senate Armed Services Committee had supported that increase in response to those extra planes showing up on the National Guard’s unfunded priorities list.

Other aircraft added in the measure include two C-130J cargo planes, one LC-130 “ski plane” for transporting cargo to remote, snowy locations, and two additional C-40s used primarily for transporting VIPs and leaders. These 11 aircraft add $1.2 billion in expense, which lawmakers would fund in part by cutting $500 million in F-35 fighter and KC-46 funding. They justified the cuts by citing “excess cost growth.” The measure would limit some F-35 deliveries until the Pentagon submits “corrective action plans and acquisition strategies” to improve the F-35 test enterprise.

The proposed bill allows the Air Force to divest 56 A-10 close air support aircraft, consistent with its plans. But it blocks or slows down other fighter jet divestments.

A-10Cs from the 23rd Fighter Wing, Moody Air Force Base, Georgia, taxi in on Columbus Air Force Base SAC ramp in preparation for Hurricane Helene on 25 September 2024. The 23rd FW evacuated the aircraft due to the potential for high-speed winds, localized flooding and heavy rain. U.S. Air Force photo by Senior Airman Jessica Blocher

The NDAA allows the retirement of:

36 F-15Cs

3 F-16s

No F-22s

No F-15Es, and it extends that hold through fiscal 2027.

The Air Force wants to retire its Block 20 F-22 jets, which are no longer combat-coded and which it says cost too much to upgrade; officials say its older configuration is inconsistent with combat-coded versions and pilots have to “unlearn” some things when they arrive at operational units. Similarly, USAF wants to cut about half its F-15E fleet with older engines so it can focus on modernizing the rest.

But critics worry that cutting the fighter fleet at all when the Air Force is already its smallest ever is risky. Congress appears to agree.

Air Force officials have argued that keeping “legacy” aircraft longer diverts funding from other more worthy programs, and Congress responded in this measure by authorizing $126 million to “prevent retirement of F-15Es” and easing that burden. It did not fund, however, a Senate proposal to fund depot maintenance, contractor support, and flying hours for the Block 20 F-22s. Those funds will have to come from elsewhere.

B-52s, F-15s, and A-10s Conduct Massive Anti-ISIS Airstrikes in Syria After Fall of Assad

Dec. 8, 2024 | By Chris Gordon

The U.S. military conducted a punishing series of airstrikes against the Islamic State group on Dec. 8, following the sudden demise of the regime of Syrian President Bashar Al Assad.

U.S. Air Force B-52 Stratofortress bombers, F-15E Strike Eagles, and A-10 Thunderbolt II attack aircraft conducted dozens of airstrikes against Islamic State leaders, fighters, and camps in central Syria, U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) announced. The aircraft dropped about 140 munitions on more than 75 targets belonging to the militant group, a senior administration official told reporters.

The strikes came as the U.S. is trying to prevent ISIS militants from exploiting the chaotic situation in Syria after Assad fled the country and rebels led by the group Hayat Tahrir al-Sham took over Damascus 13 years into the Syrian civil war.

“At the president’s authorization, we targeted a significant gathering of ISIS fighters and leaders,” the official said.

The Pentagon said the attacks were precision airstrikes and it does not believe there were any civilian casualties. The U.S. military is still conducting a battle damage assessment, according to U.S. Central Command.

A U.S.-led coalition and their local allies dismantled the Islamic State’s self-declared caliphate in Iraq and Syria in 2019 as part of the ongoing Operation Inherent Resolve. But the U.S. still has about 900 troops in eastern Syria who have been working with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces that are battling the remnants of the Islamic State as it has sought to make a comeback.

“CENTCOM, together with allies and partners in the region, will continue to carry out operations to degrade ISIS operational capabilities even during this dynamic period in Syria,” the command stated.

CENTCOM commander Gen. Michael Erik Kurilla issued a pointed warning to Syrian groups that they should avoid helping ISIS as the country struggles to form a new government after Assad’s departure.

“There should be no doubt—we will not allow ISIS to reconstitute and take advantage of the current situation in Syria,” Kurilla said in a statement. “All organizations in Syria should know that we will hold them accountable if they partner with or support ISIS in any way.”

Two U.S. Air Force F-15E Strike Eagles conduct a combat air patrol in support of Operation Inherent Resolve over the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility Nov. 23, 2024. U.S. Air Force photo

The fall of the Assad regime less than two weeks after the start of a rebel offensive came as a shock to American and many Middle Eastern officials. It followed the battering that Lebanese militia Hezbollah, an Assad ally, took at the hands of the Israeli military.

Assad’s support from the Russian air force also waned as Moscow became increasingly preoccupied with its invasion of Ukraine. Iran, another backer of Assad, was also weakened by Israeli airstrikes in Syria and inside Iran.

Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, has been designated as a foreign terrorist organization by the U.S. But it broke with Al Qaeda in 2016 and has targeted ISIS elements in the territory it has controlled, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Today, the group casts itself as a nationalist organization that was committed to unseating Assad and building a new Syria.

With the collapse of the Assad regime, Washington is also trying to head off fresh conflicts between Turkish-backed militias and the Syrian Democratic Forces that could hamper operations to fight the Islamic State. In a call with his Turkish counterpart on Dec. 8, Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III “reaffirmed the importance of avoiding actions that could present a risk to U.S. forces and partners, and the defeat-ISIS mission,” the Pentagon said.

‘The Baton Will Soon Be Passed’: Austin Touts B-21 Bomber as Part of Legacy

Dec. 8, 2024 | By Chris Gordon

SIMI VALLEY, Calif.—Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III touted the Air Force’s B-21 Raider bomber and the military’s new command and control technologies in a major address here on the Biden administration’s legacy in national security.

Austin’s address, which he made at the Reagan National Defense Forum on Dec. 6, comes as the defense secretary is nearing the end of four years in the seat.

During that tumultuous period, the Pentagon:

Planned and executed the 2021 U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and the subsequent noncombatant evacuation of U.S. citizens, allied personnel, vulnerable Afghans and others.

Provided arms and training to the Ukrainian military after Russia’s 2022 invasion

Sent combat aircraft and air defense interceptors to the Middle East to protect Israel from an Iranian missile attack in 2024.

Engaged in a continuing clash with the Houthi rebels in Yemen who have been attacking international shipping in the Red Sea.

Austin announced in his speech that the U.S. would provide nearly $1 billion in additional long-term security assistance to Kyiv, though he did not say how much of that might be delivered before the Biden administration hands over the reins to President-elect Trump and his aides, some of whom have been critical of the U.S. strategy on Ukraine.

An important part of Austin’s address, which was made to top military leaders, defense industry executives, and think tank experts at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, focused on the Pentagon’s efforts to develop U.S. military capabilities to counter China’s growing military and other threats.

Austin pointed in part to the USAF’s B-21 Raider bomber, which he unveiled two years ago at Northrop Grumman’s facilities in Palmdale, Calif. The bomber is now in flight testing at Edwards Air Force Base.

“Another key legacy is the B-21 Raider,” Austin said. “The Raider is America’s first new strategic bomber in three decades. And it delivers an unmatched combination of range, stealth, and durability.”

The B-21 Raider continues its flight test campaign at Edwards Air Force Base, California. Photo Credit: Northrop Grumman

Austin also highlighted the growth of America’s military space infrastructure and the Combined All-Domain Command and Control (CJADC2) effort, which is heavily dependent on Space Force and Air Force capabilities.

“We’ve made major investments in cutting-edge capabilities, “ Austin said. “Over the past four years, the department has pulled the future forward. And one especially lasting legacy is our work on the Combined Joint All-Domain Command and Control. CJADC2 will connect U.S. forces across all operational domains. It used to be a pipe dream. And so many had said this cannot be done. No longer. In less than two years, we’ve fielded capability for CJADC2 that is in active use at [U.S. Indo-Pacific Command]. And we’ve established a minimum viable capability for CJADC2 across other combatant commands.”

Other important steps, Austin said, include a new push by the Defense Innovation Unit to develop a strategy to counter unmanned systems, which the Pentagon projects will be increasingly used by adversaries on the battlefield.

Austin acknowledged that considerable follow-through will be required, including in strengthening the defense industrial base.

“There is far more work to be done. But as this year and this administration draws to a close, America is positioned to stand strong,” Austin said. “So the baton will soon be passed. And others will decide the course ahead. And I hope that they will build on the strength that we have forged over the past four years.”

PACAF Boss: As China Expands Reach of Missiles and Warplanes, US Needs ‘Inside Force’

Dec. 8, 2024 | By Greg Hadley

As China extends the reach of its missiles and aircraft farther and farther beyond its shores, the Air Force must ensure two keys to effectively counter that threat: first, to build out the underlying capability to make USAF’s agile combat employment strategy, and second, to ensure the Air Force has the “inside force” to penetrate China’s defenses, a top Air Force leader said Dec. 6.

PACAF commander Gen. Kevin B. Schneider, speaking at an event with AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies, said the People’s Republic of China is continuing to build out its anti-access/area denial strategy with its growing ballistic missile force. “And every day, that missile capability from the PLA grows in number, capability, and range,” Schneider said.

The PLA Navy and Air Force are growing bolder, more routinely operating far from China’s shores, he said. “In the air domain, we typically see them first and second island chain only. But as they continue to build out air refueling capability, I expect that we’ll see air operations farther and farther through the first and second island chain, and perhaps even farther.”

As recently as 2021, USAF academics derided China’s aerial refueling fleet as “another limitation in the quest for power projection.” Not anymore. The PLAAF has a new refueler, the YY-20, analysts say, and it is also flexing its muscles in new parts of the world, leveraging access to Russian bases to operate in the Arctic and Western Pacific. Earlier this year, the two conducted their first-ever joint bomber patrol near Alaska, and in late November, they conducted a joint patrol over the Sea of Japan.

That last mission was notable, Schneider said, because it “involved an H-6N,” explaining that the “N” designator means the aircraft is a “nuclear-capable bomber.”

“China is continuing to do more and more with [the H-6N] and using that to project power,” he added. By flying near both Japan and South Korea, the H-6N operation was “clearly an effort to get after the fabric of the alliances and partnerships that give us strength,” Schneider said.

Asked by dean of the Mitchell Institute retired Lt. Gen. David A. Deptula about the need for penetrating strike and air dominance aircraft, Schneider argued that the U.S. Air Force must “always be in a position where we can get into the hardest targets, that we can turn the vertical flank, and that we can deliver mass fires on a center of gravity.” This, he said, requires a so-called “inside force.”

Debate about whether the Air Force must field both “inside” and “outside” forces has increased in recent months as the service has wavered in its commitment to the Penetrating Combat Aircraft, the manned portion of the Next-Generation Air Dominance family of systems. USAF was scheduled to select a winning design for that program by September, but paused the program for an additional review. Now, with a coming change of presidential administration, the Air Force has delayed the determination so that the next Pentagon leadership can make the decision.

Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David Allvin wants to cast aside the inside-outside force arguments as he works to press his case for a new “force design” intended to help reset future warfighting requirements. “The design is … more conceptual, but we’re designing the force to be able to account for the environment,” he said in a recent interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine. “That environment is one that has varying levels of and varying densities of threat.”

Schneider, for his part, said “we the Air Force have, I’ll call it a moral obligation, one to the joint force, because wherever they are, we are going to be with them. And it is our job to be an integral part of the joint force to deliver fires, and the other is a moral obligation to our allies and partners that Gen. Allvin alluded to.” To achieve that, he said, the Air Force must have air superiority and global precision strike capabilities.

Deptula has argued that delaying NGAD or diminishing the Air Force’s ability to fight inside enemy territory cedes U.S. combat advantages, and are driven not by strategic insight, but by a lack of will to fight for more funds to buy the combat forces necessary to deter China.

ACE and Logistics

In the face of China’s growing reach, PACAF is building out its agile combat employment strategy, in which forces would scatter from large “hubs” to remote bases as a means to counter China’s A2/AD strategy. ACE was developed in PACAF when Schneider was the command’s chief of staff, and he credited lower-level units and Airmen for their hard work fleshing out the concept.

“We have really advanced, and we have really evolved, and I am really pleased,” he said.

But Schneider also said some of that evolution has caused PACAF leaders to reconsider the underlying assumptions behind ACE.

“The one thing that … we’ve recognized we need to get after—and I give [Gen. Mike Minahan], the former AMC commander, tremendous credit—was there’s a large-scale logistics and sustainment piece of this that wasn’t necessarily connected,” Schneider said. “That’s because a lot of our agile combat employment evolutions have been done within wing training budgets, within wing training cycles.”

When Minihan staged AMC’s massive Mobility Guardian exercise in the Pacific in 2023, those issues came to light, and now the Air Force is planning an even larger exercise for 2025, dubbed “Resolute Force Pacific” with the specific objective of better understanding the implications of peer war on the full logistics chain.

REFORPAC, as the exercise has been nicknamed, will include some 300 aircraft spread across 25 locations, PACAF deputy Lt. Gen. Laura Lenderman previously said. But with Congress having punted so far in approving a 2025 budget, Schneider said the Air Force may have to scale back that plan.

“Through the course of our planning, we have options,” he said. “So we take a look at what we would like to do at the high end, if we get all the funding that we are asking for, through to a lower end of the funding, where we’ll still be able to make this happen at a pretty large size and scale.”

For ACE to work, Schneider said, USAF has to accept that it can’t depend on just-in-time delivery in the midst of combat. More gear must be prepositioned forward to limit the distances it must travel to the end user, Schneider said. Because “there’s never enough lift to go around” when it’s needed most, he said, the Air Force must look “at our ability to pre-position as much forward across the spectrum” as possible in order to “take some of that burden off of [U.S. Transportation Command] in time of crisis.”