U.S. Poorly Integrates CCMDs, Hasn’t Figured Out Hybrid, Hyten Says

U.S. Poorly Integrates CCMDs, Hasn’t Figured Out Hybrid, Hyten Says

The current system of integrating the responsibilities and actions of regional commanders in chief doesn’t work well, and the U.S. is still failing to address hybrid warfare coherently, Gen. John E. Hyten, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs, said March 10.

He also discussed China and Russia’s strategic activities, how to approach modernizing NORAD, and his efforts to inject more speed into the joint requirements process.

Speaking on an online seminar of the Canadian Conference of Defence Associations, Hyten said the U.S. is struggling with “the integration piece” of its system of regional combatant commands, and who has responsibility for threats and conflicts that overlap the commands’ areas of regard.

“We’ve learned that we actually don’t know how to do that very well,” Hyten said. “We don’t effectively operate in an integrated manner.” The U.S. is experimenting with ways to close those seams through exercises and wargames, some alone and some in concert with allies, “especially in Europe,” he said.

“So, we’ve achieved the first step of the 12-step process, but we haven’t moved beyond,” he joked.

The impulse is to re-organize the system, he said, but “in almost every case … that’s the worst place to start dealing with the problem.” The first task is to “figure out what you need to do, … who needs to do what, how it needs to work, and then say, ‘Am I organized correctly to do that?’”

The analysis is being done within the Joint Warfighting Concept, he said, with all the combatant commands, allies, and partners playing a role.

“I’m not sure we’re organized incorrectly,” he cautioned, noting that the CCMDs are the direct connection to individual and groups of allies in theaters, and those relationships are key.

Almost every CCMD, for example, has a responsibility to deal with Russia, Hyten noted. Even U.S. Southern Command is dealing with Russia’s relationship with Venezuela, he said.

“You can’t look at each COCOM as a unique function that only deals with that territory, because all problems are global,” Hyten asserted.

In that context, the recent proposal to move responsibilities with Israel from U.S. European Command to U.S. Central Command is not a “fundamental change” in the construct, he said.

On the subject of refreshing the North American Aerospace Defense Command, Hyten said the U.S. and Canada need to “sit down together and figure out what aerospace defense really means. Let’s look at the threats and what we have to do,” and then decide if NORAD is doing too much or too little, and whether it is too big or too small. That should drive decisions on how and what to modernize it, he said.

“You don’t modernize just to modernize. You modernize to do something, and the only way to [do that] is to figure out what that is,” Hyten said. Absent that step, “Modernization just means, we want you to build new stuff for all your old stuff.”

The U.S. has not “done a good job of understanding the hybrid threat, and therefore we haven’t done a good job of responding” to it, Hyten said of Russia’s mix of information and kinetic warfare.

Russia “and others” see hybrid warfare as “another means … to their end state.” Russia is “trying to change the perception of others around the world … They believe they can walk up to a line and not cross the line and still achieve their objectives in the ‘gray zone’” of influence.

The U.S. and its allies needs to “open our eyes and realize … that is a strategy. We have to study it just like we study conventional warfare or … nuclear warfare, just like we’ve studied counterterrorism.” If hybrid is not treated with the same discipline of analysis and response, “you will not be effective … because it is a focused effort by a nation-state in trying to challenge the West,” he said.

Hyten said his biggest concern is that “we have not taken a fresh look at it, and therefore, everybody’s idea of how to deal with it is based on their own perceptions … That’s not how we deal with every other element of warfare, but somehow that’s what we’ve fallen into.”

China and Russia have to be faced with “open eyes,” Hyten said, and dealt with based not on wishful thinking but their behavior.

“It’s important to be realistic,” he warned. “If [China is] building a nuclear triad … [and] massive and powerful space capabilities, if they’re building and using cyber capabilities inside the United States [and Canada], they’re doing it for a reason. They’re not doing it because it’s … kind of fun.” America’s adversaries are  “using enormous amounts of national treasure to build things that basically threaten the West; not just the United States …To threaten the liberal order that was developed after World War II, that we’ve operated under for the last eight decades.”

The COVID crisis has been a revelation about China, Hyten said.

“We saw China show their true colors,” he asserted. “They still have not been transparent about what happened in Wuhan. They still have not been transparent in helping the world deal with the virus … They still have not been transparent on supplies.” The U.S. and its allies need to view China “not just from a [physical] security perspective—am I going to be attacked—but what are the other elements going on that impact our everyday existence? And China over the last year has not helped the world in our everyday existence, and they still aren’t. So it’s important that we open our eyes and understand that.”

Likewise, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine shouldn’t be ignored, he said, but all its aggressions looked at “with open eyes” and realism.

Hyten said he “hasn’t fixed the problem” of injecting far greater speed into the joint requirements process, something he hopes to advance in his last months in the job. He noted that in 2000, the military moved from a threat-based process to a capabilities-based system, wherein it was reasoned that, “if we just develop the capabilities, we’ll be able to stay ahead of any adversaries as far in the future as you can see.” That approach, though, led to a risk aversion that drove all decisions to the Pentagon “and away from the field,” slowing things down and building an elaborate bureaucracy.

“We have to get back to the way we did it in the 1950s,” he said, explaining that Thule Air Base, Greenland—with an early warning radar, 10,000-foot runway, two hangars for B-52s, and a town for 2,500 people—was built “in 91 days, … 600 miles from the North Pole” at the order of former head of Strategic Air Command, Gen. Curtis LeMay, and held up for many decades of use. The Pentagon needs to emulate that and delegate authorities to lower levels “and allow people to do their job.”

His goal is to tell the services, “Here’s your joint requirement, just go build it, and go fast. That’s what we’re trying to do. It’s frustrating, but we should all take ownership of the fact that we’ve become bureaucratic and slow, and we have adversaries that move very fast.”

Austin to Head to the Pacific in First Overseas Trip

Austin to Head to the Pacific in First Overseas Trip

Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III on March 13 leaves on his first international trip, aimed at “revitalizing” relationships with Indo-Pacific allies while top U.S. diplomats will meet with Chinese officials.

Austin will begin the trip by visiting U.S. Indo-Pacific Command headquarters in Hawaii, at a time when INDOPACOM is pushing for a large increase in its deterrent fund. In Japan, he will join Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken for a meeting with their Japanese defense and foreign affairs counterparts.

Austin and Blinken will also meet with South Korea’s foreign minister and minister of defense, according to a Pentagon statement. Then, in India, Austin will meet with that country’s minister of defense and other senior leaders “to discuss deepening the U.S.-India major defense partnership” and discuss other ways to increase cooperation, according to the statement.

Pentagon spokesman John F. Kirby told reporters March 10 the trip is “about working to revitalize our alliances and partners in the Indo-Pacific region.” The majority of the U.S.’s treaties are with countries in the region, and the Defense Department wants to “re-energize our commitment to those treaty alliances.”

“We know we need strong allies, and partners, and friends in that part of the world, and there’s a lot going on,” Kirby said. Meanwhile, on March 18, Blinken and National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan will meet with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Yang Jiechi, the director of China’s Office of the Central Commission for Foreign Affairs, in Anchorage, Alaska, according to a State Department release.

Watchdog Report Highlights ‘High Risk’ Areas of Afghan Reconstruction

Watchdog Report Highlights ‘High Risk’ Areas of Afghan Reconstruction

The rate of Taliban violence continues to rise despite the now one-year-old peace deal aimed at ending the war in Afghanistan, and the Afghan military still struggles with maintaining its equipment and readiness, according to the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction.

SIGAR on March 10 released its 2021 “High Risk List,” which outlines specific areas of the U.S. government’s $143 billion reconstruction effort in the country. The report comes as the U.S. military considers abiding by the guidelines of the February 2020 peace deal, which calls for a full withdrawal by May.

“Although Afghanistan’s leadership have often stated that their goal is self-reliance, Afghanistan today is nowhere near to being self-reliant—especially in funding its government operations, including military and police—from its own resources,” the report states. “And, as highlighted in our report, reconstruction aid helps keep Afghanistan from reverting to a terrorist safe haven.”

There are between 55,000 and 85,000 Taliban fighters in Afghanistan, and their attacks have increased since the deal was signed. Each quarter of 2020 saw more enemy-initiated attacks compared to the same time in 2019, the report states.

John F. Sopko, the head of SIGAR, spoke at a Center for Strategic and International Studies event on March 10 outlining the report, highlighting specific shortfalls in the Afghan government and military that puts the U.S. in a difficult position.

The Pentagon estimates the Afghan military will need about $4.3 billion for fiscal 2021, and the Afghan government itself expects to contribute $610 million. While this total seems “paltry” in comparison to the American share, it still represents about 24 percent of Afghanistan’s total domestic revenue, Sopko said.

As such, the Defense Department no longer considers the goal of having Afghanistan’s military being self-sufficient by 2024 to be “realistic.” The Afghan government “still cannot manage money it currently receives from international donors,” he said.

Currently, there are about 18,000 Defense Department contractors in Afghanistan—6,000 of whom are American, 7,000 are third-country nationals, and the last 5,000 Afghans. The Afghan military relies on U.S. contractors to maintain equipment and supply chains. The Afghan National Army, for example, conducts less than 20 percent of its own maintenance work, relying on contractors for the rest.

The Afghan Air Force also heavily relies on contractors to maintain its fleet. A further drawdown of contractors and closure of bases would “effectively end all in-country aviation training contracts,” he said.

Without contract support, “No Afghan airframe could be sustained as combat effective for more than a few months,” Sopko said.

Retiring from Service? Take Advantage of Your FEDVIP Enrollment Period

Retiring from Service? Take Advantage of Your FEDVIP Enrollment Period

The U.S. Office of Personnel Management (OPM) is proud to welcome retiring members of the uniformed services to the Federal Employees Dental and Vision Insurance Program (FEDVIP).

Sponsored by OPM, FEDVIP is a voluntary, enrollee-pay-all dental and vision insurance program. It replaced the former TRICARE Retiree Dental Program (TRDP). In general, retired uniformed service members, their families, and survivors are eligible for FEDVIP dental coverage and, if enrolled in a TRICARE health plan, FEDVIP vision coverage. Please note: Opportunities to enroll outside of open season are limited.

Retiring uniformed service members are considered newly eligible for FEDVIP. This includes Retired Reserve members who are age 60 and older and under age 60 (gray area reservists) not yet receiving retired pay.

If you’re retiring from the uniformed services, you have a 91-day enrollment window to enroll in a FEDVIP dental and/or vision plan. You may enroll between 31 days prior to your military

retirement date and 60 days following. It’s important to remember, enrollment is not automatic. If you choose to enroll in FEDVIP, you must enroll prior to your military retirement date to prevent a gap in dental coverage between your active duty or reserve dental plan and your FEDVIP plan. If you do not enroll within 60 days from your retirement date, you must wait until the next open season.

FEDVIP is popular among the more than 3.5 million people already enrolled in the program, giving the program high marks for quality and value. With 12 dental and 5 vision carriers to choose from, FEDVIP offers great flexibility when selecting the right coverage for you and your family, such as:

  • regional dental plans as well as nationwide dental and vision plans with international coverage
  • most plans feature both high and standard options
  • a choice between three enrollment types: self, self plus one, or self and family

To familiarize yourself with the program, explore BENEFEDS.com/military. BENEFEDS is the secure online portal to enroll in FEDVIP, to research FEDVIP’s current list of carriers and plans, and use the plan comparison tool to view rates, benefits, and coverage information.

Don’t miss this opportunity! Consider including the Federal Employees Dental and Vision Insurance Program (FEDVIP) in your retirement plan today.

BENEFEDS is administered by Long Term Care Partners, LLC, with oversight by the U.S. Office of Personnel Management.

DOD Extends Guard Presence at U.S. Capitol

DOD Extends Guard Presence at U.S. Capitol

Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin on March 9 approved an extension of the National Guard deployment to the U.S. Capitol complex for about two months.

National Guard troops have been deployed to the building to help U.S. Capitol Police with security in the aftermath of the January 6 insurrection, and the police department has requested an extension of the presence as there are concerns about continued threats. The extension includes about 2,300 troops, about half the amount that had been deployed, according to a Pentagon statement.

Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said March 9 that a formal request had been working its way through the building. The current deployment was set to end on March 12.

Kirby said the deployment is to help the Capitol Police “fill some of the gaps” in that department’s capabilities across the complex. He would not speculate if the deployment would be further extended, but said that as the police “look at themselves as an institution” and what they need in the long term, the Guard could help.

The deployment of the troops, from Jan. 6 to the end of this week, is expected to cost about $500 million, according to the Associated Press. 

Editor’s note: This story was updated at 7:35 p.m. March 9 to reflect that the deployment extension had been approved.

KC-46s Could Be Available for Limited Ops As Early as June

KC-46s Could Be Available for Limited Ops As Early as June

U.S. Transportation Command is looking to integrate the KC-46 into operations as soon as June, following Air Mobility Command’s move to free up the troubled tanker for ops to relieve stress on legacy refuelers.

TRANSCOM boss Army Gen. Stephen R. Lyons recently visited KC-46 officials at McConnell Air Force Base, Kan., and said he is “encouraged by recent (Air Force) efforts that will make the KC-46 available for limited mission requirements as soon as June,” the command said in a Twitter statement.

The statement is an update from Air Mobility Command’s announcement Feb. 24 that it would clear the KC-46 to be tasked by TRANSCOM this year. AMC boss Gen. Jacqueline D. Van Ovost, in announcing the step, said it would be a conditions-based process, with the aircraft only tasked with missions it has been cleared to fly in operational testing. This could include U.S.-based refueling of certain aircraft, or overseas missions to refuel deploying fighters—such as F/A-18s—using the centerline drogue system.

“We will now commit the KC-46 to execute missions similar to the ones they’ve been conducting over the past few years in the Operational Test and Evaluation plan, but can now include operational taskings from U.S. Transportation Command,” Van Ovost told reporters. “For example, today the KC-46 may provide aerial refueling for F-16s participating in a U.S.-based training exercise. Under this new approach, if AMC is tasked to provide AR support for an operational coronet mission to move F-18s overseas or an operational B-52 mission, the KC-46 is on the table, which frees up KC-135s and KC-10s to execute other combatant command deployments that the KC-46A is presently unable to support with its existing deficiencies.”

The aging KC-135s and KC-10s are heavily tasked with overseas combat deployments, along with a constant need to support training, exercises, and testing at home. By making KC-46s available to TRANSCOM, those crews would be more available for required combat missions or be able to spend more time resting and training at home. KC-46s would not be used for combat deployments until cleared after the installation of the improved remote vision system, expected to begin in 2023.

The Air Force has received 44 KC-46s, and expects to have 60 by the end of the year, as it builds to the total fleet of 179.

INDOPACOM: Deterrence Fund Increase Needed for ISR, Missile Defense in the Pacific

INDOPACOM: Deterrence Fund Increase Needed for ISR, Missile Defense in the Pacific

A sharp increase in deterrence funding in the Pacific, at a time when defense budgets are expected to shrink, is needed to prove that the region is the Pentagon’s top priority and to address growing needs in surveillance and missile defense, the head of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command told lawmakers March 9.

INDOPACOM Commander Adm. Philip S. Davidson recently announced he is seeking $4.7 billion in fiscal 2022 for the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, almost double the $2.5 billion allocated in fiscal 2021. While the Pentagon’s budget request is still in the works, Davidson told the Senate Armed Services Committee on March 9 he is “encouraged” by the draft’s emphasis on the fund.

The $4.7 billion request, just under the $5.5 billion cap Congress put in place when the PDI was created in the fiscal 2021 defense policy bill, includes a large shopping list for INDOPACOM. This includes an Aegis Ashore missile defense system for Guam, ground-based precision strike capabilities in the Western Pacific, over-the-horizon radars, and an increase in intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance capabilities for the theater.

Davidson, in his 2019 confirmation hearing, told the committee that INDOPACOM is only getting about one-quarter of its total ISR need. He told Senators on March 9 that this has “improved slightly,” including with an undisclosed action “taken in the last few months to resource ISR capability.”

However, Davidson said the military is not putting money where its mouth is with regard to ISR in the region.

“If INDOPACOM is indeed the priority theater, we need to continue to look at our intel apparatus … to make sure that we have the warning that is required to get our forces to respond, alert our allies and partners, and prevent any kind of Chinese external attack in the region,” Davidson said.

INDOPACOM broadly shares its intelligence with allies and “many, many partners” in the region. “They benefit from the information that we generate,” he said.

In areas such as the East China Sea and the South China Sea, “we, the United States, benefit from much of what our allies and partners do there as well,” he said. Increased sales of ISR assets would help “add capacity to the picture” in these regions, he said.

Dyess B-1 Supports JTAC Training in Norway, Sweden

Dyess B-1 Supports JTAC Training in Norway, Sweden

A B-1 Lancer assigned to the Air Force’s 7th Bomb Wing supported training for foreign joint terminal attack controllers and integrated with Swedish Gripen fighters during a Bomber Task Force mission in Norway and Sweden on March 8, according to a U.S. Air Forces in Europe-Air Forces Africa release.

American Special Operations Forces also backed up the training for JTACs from the two countries.

“It’s not every day that our bomber has the chance to play such a prominent role in training ally and partner JTACs,” said USAFE-AFAFRICA Commander Air Force Gen. Jeffrey L. Harrigian in the release. “Opportunities to train alongside our allies, partners, and U.S. Special Operations Forces in forward locations makes us the rapid, resilient, and ready force we need to be.”

The Lancer, which is deployed from Dyess Air Force Base, Texas, also underwent a “warm pit refuel” at Norway’s Bodo Air Force Station. The B-1’s crew remained in the cockpit during the process so the plane could get back to the mission faster, the release stated.

In contrast with hot-pit refueling, during which an aircraft gets fuel while its engines “are turned on or running,” warm-pit refueling occurs “with the aircraft engines operating off the auxiliary power unit,” a 2018 Army publication about refueling techniques explains.

Dyess B-1s recently deployed to Norway to train with its troops and other partner forces in the Arctic, Air Force Magazine previously reported. The Bomber Task Force marks the Lancer’s first deployment to the Nordic nation.

Austin Slashes Hundreds of Volunteer Advisory Positions

Austin Slashes Hundreds of Volunteer Advisory Positions

The Pentagon could know within about a week how many volunteer civilian advisers had their terms abruptly concluded by Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III effective Feb. 16, including a list of names.

Austin cleared out an “several hundred” volunteer seats on the Pentagon’s 42-plus civilian advisory boards—every seat he has the power to appoint, according to spokespeople. He blamed the unprecedented purge on “the scale of recent changes” to board seats made in the final weeks of the Trump administration, according to Department of Defense spokesperson Susan Gough. She said Austin’s office won’t be able to provide a total count or full list of names until after March 15.

Austin “was concerned by the scale of recent changes to department advisory committees,” Gough explained in an email to Air Force Magazine. “For example, recent nominations affected half the membership of each the Defense Policy Board and Defense Business Board.” She did not specify what problems Austin thought the changes might present, nor did she detail how many last-minute appointments the Trump administration tried to make in its final days or weeks.

Instead, Gough said Austin instructed Pentagon officials to review each board so he can “get his arms around the breadth and quality of advice provided … and make department senior leaders [are] comfortable about why we have the advisory committees and the expertise they provide.”

Rather than wait for the results of the review, two Pentagon officials, speaking anonymously, announced the conclusion of the board members’ terms to the press Feb. 2. Board members had not been notified. A DOD news story posted online by the Pentagon that same day said board members were “directed … to resign,” but Gough clarified: “We did not ask for resignations, nor did we terminate the members. … We concluded their service as we stood down the boards until further notice.” A letter thanking them for their service was to have been sent by Feb. 26.

Ending all terms at once was “equitable, fair, and uniformly consistent,” an official said in the Feb. 2 briefing.

A tradition that dates all the way back to the beginning of the federal government, the boards provide expertise from the civilian world. By holding public meetings, they also provide a forum for public input, according to the General Services Administration, which monitors advisory committees such as the DOD boards and others across the federal government. The boards don’t have any decision-making powers.

If Austin’s Jan. 30 memo announcing the review is any indication, many of those 42-plus boards might not come back.

Board members on DOD-appointed advisory boards serve one-year terms and may be reappointed for three more one-year terms, serving a maximum of four years, Gough said. Because of potential conflicts of interest, board members’ activities may be restricted, and those restrictions may extend past the end of their service, according to the GSA.

It is unclear what it costs to maintain and operate the boards. An official at the briefing estimated costs are “in the several millions of dollars.”

Austin’s move followed “frenetic” last-minute changes by the Trump administration that involved “removing people who had been on some of these boards and then replacing them, or just simply adding them in a quite unprecedented fashion,” an unnamed official said Feb. 2.

Who’s Doing the Review

Principal Deputy General Counsel Beth George and Interim Director of Administration and Management Tom Muir are chairing the review process.

The boards report to 12 executive sponsors, all political appointees. Only two of the 12 had been appointed as of Feb. 22. Each of the 12 will review the boards for which they are responsible and pass their recommendation to George and Muir, including recommendations to retain, realign, terminate, or otherwise change the boards, Gough said. The sponsors may also recommend ideas for changing the governance of boards required in an act of Congress or executive order of the President. Muir and George will present recommendations to Austin in June.

A review of the Defense Business Board was due from Deputy Secretary of Defense Kathleen H. Hicks on Feb. 16, along with a review of the Defense Policy Board from Acting Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Amanda J. Dory.

Asked about the appropriateness of starting the reviews without 10 of the 12 sponsors in place, Gough said, “In most instances, the current incumbent is an official [who] has been in the department for some time and, as such, has knowledge of the advisory committee, its mission, and value.”

Sponsor submissions on the Defense Health Board, Defense Innovation Board, and Defense Science Board are due March 12.

Past and Future

The tradition of consulting nongovernment civilians dates back to George Washington’s appointing a commission to investigate Pennsylvania’s “Whiskey Rebellion” of distillers opposing a federal tax, according to the Congressional Research Service’s 2016 report, Federal Advisory Committees: An Introduction and Overview. By the 1900s, advisory committees were common, and the public had grown suspicious of many of the committees’ closed-door activities. In the 1950s, “private sector industries” began to set up committees to try to influence the government, including committees set up “under official auspices,” according to the CRS. By 1972, the proliferation of more than 2,600 committees across the federal government led Congress to pass the Federal Advisory Committee Act. About 1,000 advisory committees with 60,000 members advise the executive branch today, according to the General Services Administration.

Austin’s Jan. 30 memo offered a hint at what he may want in the future: “A single cross-functional advisory committee,” for which Austin or Hicks would approve all members.

“Secretary of Defense Austin suspended committee activity to quickly get a sense of these boards’ purpose and composition, and to make department senior leaders comfortable about why we have the advisory committees and the quality of expertise they provide,” Gough said. “The rapid timeline for the full-scale review shows that Secretary Austin takes seriously the work of these boards and wants to quickly set that work in a direction that most benefits department priorities.”

Civilian Advisory Boards in the Department of Defense

A dozen sponsors supervise the activities of at least 42 civilian advisory boards, not including the boards’ subcommittees, and there may be more boards. During the review, the boards’ executive sponsors will report on any new boards that may have formed recently. The boards, their sponsors, and the dates by which sponsors must recommend whether to retain, change, or terminate the boards:

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Army Gen. Mark A. Milley

  • Board of Visitors, National Defense University (March 26)
  • U.S. Strategic Command Advisory Group (April 30)

Deputy Secretary of Defense Kathleen H. Hicks

  • Defense Business Board (Feb. 16)

Thomas Muir, Interim Director of Administration and Management

  • Armed Forces Retirement Home Advisory Council (April 30)

Beth George, Acting General Counsel of the Department of Defense

  • Defense Advisory Committee on Investigation, Prosecution, and Defense of Sexual Assault in the Armed Forces (March 26)

John P. Roth, Acting Secretary of the Air Force

  • Air University Board of Visitors (March 26)
  • *Board of Visitors of the U.S. Air Force Academy (April 30)
  • U.S. Air Force Scientific Advisory Board (April 30)

John E. Whitley, Acting Secretary of the Army

  • Advisory Committee on Arlington National Cemetery (Feb. 26)
  • Army Education Advisory Committee (March 26)
  • *Board of Visitors for the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation (March 26)
  • Board on Coastal Engineering Research (April 30)
  • Inland Waterways Users Board (April 30)
  • Table Rock Lake Oversight Committee (mission concluded, not subject to review)
  • U.S. Army Science Board (April 30)
  • *United States Military Academy Board of Visitors (April 30)

Thomas W. Harker, Acting Secretary of the Navy

  • Board of Visitors, Marine Corps University (March 26)
  • Education for Seapower Advisory Board (April 30)
  • Ocean Research Advisory Panel (no current members appointed by the Secretary of Defense, not subject to review)
  • *United States Naval Academy Board of Visitors (April 30)

Stacy A. Cummings, Acting Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment

  • *Strategic Environmental Research and Development Program Scientific Advisory Board (April 30)

David M. Taylor, Acting Under Secretary of Defense for Intelligence and Security

  • Advisory Committee on Industrial Security and Industrial Base Policy (April 30, not currently populated)
  • National Intelligence University Board of Visitors (April 30)
  • National Reconnaissance Advisory Board (April 30)
  • National Security Agency Emerging Technologies Board (April 30)

Virginia S. Penrod, Acting Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness

  • Advisory Panel on Community Support for Military Families with Special Needs (April 30)
  • *Board of Regents, Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences (April 30)
  • Defense Advisory Committee for the Prevention of Sexual Misconduct (April 30, not currently populated)
  • Defense Advisory Committee on Diversity and Inclusion (April 30, not currently populated)
  • Defense Advisory Committee on Military Personnel Testing (April 30)
  • Defense Advisory Committee on Women in the Services (April 30)
  • Defense Health Board (March 12)
  • *Department of Defense Board of Actuaries (April 30)
  • *Department of Defense Medicare-Eligible Retiree Health Care Board of Actuaries
  • *Department of Defense Military Family Readiness Council (April 30)
  • Department of Defense Wage Committee (April 30)
  • *National Security Education Board (April 30)
  • *Reserve Forces Policy Board (Feb. 26)
  • Uniform Formulary Beneficiary Advisory Panel (April 30)

Amanda J. Dory, Acting Under Secretary of Defense for Policy

  • Defense Policy Board (Feb.16)

Terence G. Emmert, Acting Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering

  • Defense Innovation Board (March 12)
  • Defense Science Board (March 12)

*Some or all members of the boards preceded by an asterisk remain in their positions because the Secretary of Defense does not have authority to appoint or remove them.