Watchdog Report Blasts US Military’s Handling of Fuel for Afghan Forces

Watchdog Report Blasts US Military’s Handling of Fuel for Afghan Forces

The Afghan military’s future is in question because of the lack of a reliable source of fuel as the U.S. withdraws. About half of the fuel provided to the country’s fighting forces reportedly is being stolen, and the U.S. military, which has poured billions of dollars into creating a fuel source for Afghan forces, does not have a solid plan for transferring its authority, according to a new watchdog report.

The Defense Department, from 2010 to 2020, has spent $3.74 billion on fuel for Afghanistan, with another $1.45 billion expected through 2025, according to a report from the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction released July 21.

The Afghan National Self Defense Forces use the fuel to provide electricity for bases, operate vehicles, and fly aircraft. However, SIGAR notes the Combined Security Transition Command-Afghanistan, which managed the fuel in the country until the command was disbanded in June, did not develop a plan to transition its control of fuel to the Afghan government. The command’s authority transferred to the new Defense Security Cooperation Agency Management Office-Afghanistan, which stood up in Qatar.

“DOD still has time to take action, but must do so with a greater sense of urgency if the transfer of fuel responsibilities to the Afghan government is to be complete by 2025,” SIGAR wrote.

U.S. oversight is now largely being done remotely as American troops have almost completely withdrawn from Afghanistan. The uncertain position of fuel oversight has created a “tenuous situation for the U.S. and Afghan governments,” SIGAR wrote. “Without fuel, ANDSF operations will come to a grinding halt. Without effective management and oversight of the fuel enterprise, fuel theft and corruption will worsen.”

A former commander of CSTC-A told the watchdog that about half of its fuel is stolen.

SIGAR provided a series of recommendations, including developing a plan, with metrics for accountability, to transition oversight of fuel to the Afghan government. Among the recommendations, SIGAR says the U.S. military:

  • Needs remote monitoring methods to oversee fuel use
  • Should establish a formal agreement with the Afghan government for its military to regularly submit accurate fuel consumption data
  • Should develop a plan to standardize training for low-level personnel who handle fuel at ANDSF bases.

The Defense Department did not respond to SIGAR’s recommendations in the report, stating that the Pentagon cannot respond to all of the watchdog’s findings during the drawdown.

Pentagon spokesman John F. Kirby, in response to a question from Air Force Magazine on the report’s findings, said “broadly speaking … our commitment to the ANDSF will continue after the drawdown is complete, in a largely financial and logistical support component.” Specific areas of support, such as fuel, are still being “ironed out,” Kirby said, noting the U.S. will continue to help Afghan forces defend “their country.”

The report comes as the Pentagon continues to send more military equipment to Afghanistan. Three UH-60 Blackhawks landed in the country in recent days, with dozens more expected, along with three A-29 Super Tucanos.

After 16 Months, Guests Return to Air Force Basic Training Graduation

After 16 Months, Guests Return to Air Force Basic Training Graduation

For the first time in more than a year, family and friends were able to gather in person July 22 to watch as loved ones graduated from Air Force Basic Military Training.

Restrictions were still in place at Joint Base San Antonio-Lackland, Texas, to prevent the spread of COVID-19, but the inclusion of several hundred guests in the stands still made for a celebratory atmosphere and a stark change after 16 months of ceremonies without crowds. The last ceremony with guests was March 13, 2020.

Each graduate was limited to two invited guests, and all guests had to show proof of COVID-19 vaccination, with their last shot coming at least 14 days before the ceremony. Fully vaccinated graduates were also allowed off-installation liberty to celebrate with family and friends.

“This day has been a long time coming,” Maj. Gen. William A. Spangenthal, deputy commander of Air Education and Training Command, told the July 22 attendees. “And I’m perfectly fine if y’all want to show some enthusiasm—get a little undignified, if you will. …

“The reason that we’ve been able to get here is because we’ve had this unbelievable partnership and fantastic leadership between three wings—the 502nd Air Base Wing, the 59th Medical Wing, and the 37th Training Wing. These young Airmen, just seven and a half weeks ago, our nation’s treasure, your sons and daughters, your brothers and sisters, and your friends: You entrusted us to keep them safe during this extraordinary time.”

The celebration also included a flying salute of four T-6As from the 559th Flying Training Squadron led by Lt. Col. Paul Stucki, making his last flight in the Air Force, before ending with the oath of enlistment administered by 37th Training Wing commander Col. Rockie K. Wilson.

“After nearly 16 months without an in-person graduation, we are beyond excited to welcome you all back,” Wilson said just before administering the oath. “While the timeframe of 16 months weighs heavily on this ceremony, the most important timeframe, and the reason that we are here today, is the last seven-and-a-half weeks of training these men and women have just gone through to make them not only Airmen, but also better, stronger, and more resilient Americans.”

The festivities come roughly two months after the Air Force Academy hosted guests for its spring graduation ceremony, its first time allowing outside guests, with eight permitted per graduate.

The gradual return to normalcy comes as nearly 300,000 members of the Air Force and Space Force, including the Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve, have received at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine, according to the latest data from the Defense Department. Back on June 30, DOD announced that the Air Force’s vaccination rate was 61 percent, behind the Army and Navy but ahead of the Marine Corps.

SOCOM Wants Four ‘Armed Overwatch’ Squadrons, With One Always Deployed

SOCOM Wants Four ‘Armed Overwatch’ Squadrons, With One Always Deployed

U.S. Special Operations Command expects a future armed overwatch fleet to quickly reach full utilization, including one squadron deployed at all times, to meet a growing global need for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance.

SOCOM wants to buy 75 of the aircraft, and Air Force Special Operations Command has said it wants procurement to start in fiscal 2022. SOCOM boss Army Gen. Richard D. Clarke, in testimony to the House Armed Services subcommittee on intelligence and special operations, said the armed overwatch program is coming on as existing systems are aging out, showing the requirement for the aircraft procurement to continue.

“Modernization of ISR is one of our top priorities,” Clarke said. “Not just armed overwatch, but we see armed overwatch as a very cost-effective, long-term approach to support our SOF teams in the future.”

Armed overwatch is expected to replace the Air Force’s U-28 Draco fleet. Clarke said these aircraft will soon require a complete re-winging, at a cost approaching that of the total armed overwatch effort.

Congress blocked SOCOM from procuring armed overwatch aircraft in its fiscal 2021 National Defense Authorization Act, but it authorized the command to continue with demonstrations. In May, SOCOM awarded $19.2 million to five companies for prototype demonstrations as part of the effort. The aircraft selected to proceed are:

This prototype effort will take place at Eglin Air Force Base, Fla., and will be completed by March 2022. If successful, a company could be requested to provide a proposal for a follow-on award.

Clarke said he envisions four squadrons flying 15 of the aircraft each, with an additional 10-15 to be used for training. This would provide enough for a squadron to always be deployed. While Africa is typically used as an example location for where the aircraft could be used, Clarke said he could see it providing ISR, and [strikes] if needed, at places such as the Philippines, Thailand, and South America.

As SOCOM “looks globally, where SOF forces are deployed today and where [they will] be deployed in the future, we do think that the operating concept we have for these aircraft would, in fact, get to full utilization in the future,” Clarke said. 

Milley: Taliban Has Momentum, but ‘Endgame’ Not Decided in Afghanistan

Milley: Taliban Has Momentum, but ‘Endgame’ Not Decided in Afghanistan

The Taliban controls approximately half of all district centers in Afghanistan, but the Afghan military is consolidating its forces to protect population centers, and the “endgame” is not yet written, the U.S. military’s top general said July 21.

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Mark A. Milley, during a briefing at the Pentagon, said the Taliban takeover is not a “foregone conclusion,” noting Afghan forces are still well trained and equipped.

The Taliban controls about 213 district centers, roughly half of the total 419, and is fighting to cut off population centers, such as provincial capitals and Kabul. Yet while the Taliban has encroached on them, the group has not captured any of the 34 provincial capitals.

“The strategic momentum appears to be with the Taliban,” Milley acknowledged. But, Afghan forces are consolidating and “taking the approach to protect the population.”

The country is seeing a reduction in violence because of the Eid al-Adha holiday, and it is not known yet how the Taliban’s momentum will continue after the holiday.

“It remains to be seen over the rest of the summer, … but after Eid, we’re gonna find out,” Milley said. “We’re going to find out the levels of violence, whether it’s going to go up or stay the same. There’s a possibility of a negotiated outcome that’s still out there. There’s a possibility of a complete Taliban takeover, or a possibility of … all kinds of other scenarios throughout there that we’re monitoring very closely. I don’t think the endgame is yet written.”

Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III, appearing alongside Milley, said the evacuation of interpreters and their families has become an “urgent task.” The White House announced this week that the first group will be flown to Fort Lee, Va., and Austin said the Pentagon is still working on “several” overseas locations to host others who are not as far along in the visa process.

The military is still on track to complete the full withdrawal by the end of August, with more than 95 percent of it already complete. After August, the mission shifts to counterterrorism via over-the-horizon intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance, strike, and other CT capabilities. The Pentagon is still working on the possible basing of these capabilities closer to Afghanistan, though nothing has been finalized or announced.

The Pentagon’s mission will be to make sure that violence and terrorism cannot “be exported from Afghanistan to our homeland,” Austin said.

“We’ll maintain the capability not only to observe that but also address that if it does emerge,” he added.

Austin Addresses Lack of Confirmed Senior DOD Leaders

Austin Addresses Lack of Confirmed Senior DOD Leaders

Senior Pentagon leaders would “like to see more” nominations and confirmations for top Defense Department civilian positions as several key spots remain vacant, but Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III played down concerns regarding the impact of the slow pace of picks.

“This is something … all of my leadership [team] remains focused on each and every day, and we continue to work with the White House to make sure that we have quality and qualified applicants to fill these seats,” Austin said during a July 21 briefing.

Last week, President Joe Biden’s nomination to be the DOD’s head of acquisition, Michael Brown, withdrew his nomination amid an investigation into hiring practices at the Defense Innovation Unit. Several other positions in the Pentagon, including chief information officer, the deputy undersecretary of defense for policy, the executive director of international cooperation, the assistant secretary of defense for readiness, and the undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness, among others, are being held by temporary officials pending the confirmation of nominees.

Within the Air Force, the nomination of Frank Kendall to be service Secretary is still held up in the Senate, and the nomination of Gina Ortiz Jones to be undersecretary is awaiting a vote. The Air Force’s top acquisition job is also awaiting a formal nomination.

About six months into the Biden administration, Austin said six senior positions have been confirmed, 10 are waiting for a vote, and five more are in committee in the Senate.

On the position of undersecretary of defense for acquisition and sustainment, which Brown had been nominated for, Austin said he is working with the White House on submitting a new nominee.

“I’m concerned about the A and S position, … and absolutely, we’ll make another nomination, provide another name … for the White House to consider,” Austin said. “But that’s an ongoing process, and, again, when we do get that person, it will be the best person available, and I consider that job to be very, very important.”

Russia Officially Unveils New Checkmate Fighter, But Performance Claims are Ambitious

Russia Officially Unveils New Checkmate Fighter, But Performance Claims are Ambitious

Russia officially unveiled its new Checkmate fighter at the MAKS airshow July 20, offering a series of ambitious performance claims about the jet, which it is clearly promoting as a low-cost, single-engined alternative to the F-35 in the world market. Company officials said an unmanned version may become available.

United Aircraft Corp.—parent company for all of Russia’s aircraft makers, including Sukhoi, Ilyushin, MiG, and Tupolev—says the Checkmate will fly in 2023, will be in series production in 2026, and will be offered for export at the bargain basement price of $25-$30 million per copy. That’s well below the price of the F-35, which is running at just under $80 million a copy for the conventional-takeoff F-35A model, after some 665 examples have been produced. A company press release said the Checkmate was developed “in record time.”

Russia’s new Checkmate fighter jet was unveiled at the MAKS-2021 air show in Zhukovsky, outside Moscow, July 20, 2021. Image from RT video.

Yury Slyusar, general director of UAC, said the company’s task is to offer the Checkmate in large numbers “starting from 2026,” with smaller lots produced before that. The company did not say whether the article on display was a mockup or prototype. It will be capable of defeating “fifth-generation foreign aircraft” as well as be able to “withstand sixth-generation systems that may appear in coming decades,” Slyusar said.

Russian deputy prime minister Yury Borisov, at ceremonies unveiling the Checkmate, said there’s a market for 300 of the aircraft in Africa, India, and Vietnam. Company videos have suggested that Argentina and the United Arab Emirates are also potential customers.   

Checkmate is not a natural Russian phrase; the term “shakh” is used in chess to put a player in “check,” and “mat” is declared after making the final, winning move. “Mat,” pronounced “maht,” is also used to refer to vulgar or obscene language. The Checkmate name appears to be a work of propaganda, designed for Western consumption. 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FlBQD2IkZNY&t=116s
Russia unveiled its newest fighter, built to compete with the F-35 and other fifth-generation aircraft, during the MAKS airshow July 20, 2021.

The jet is claimed to have a short take-off and landing (STOL) capability—though no specifics were given—and a payload, including fuel, of 15,000 pounds. It is to have a combat radius of 930 miles, versus 770 miles for the F-35 on internal fuel. Sukhoi claims the jet will have a maximum turn loading of 8G, between the 9G of the Air Force F-35A and the 7.5G of the Marine Corps/Navy F-35B and C.

Although a variant of the Saturn AL-41F1 is the presumed engine, officials at MAKS have hinted at a thrust in the 32,000 pound class; just above what the Saturn can produce. The F-35’s F135 powerplant generates about 40,000 pounds of thrust.  

The jet will have an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar able to engage six targets at once, “even under conditions of strong electronic interference,” and the AESA will work cooperatively with the sensor and electronic warfare capabilities of the jet, UAC said.

A mirror reflects the body form of Russia’s new Checkmate fighter jet unveiled at the MAKS-2021 air show in Zhukovsky, outside Moscow, July 20, 2021. Image from RT video.

Press statements about the jet say its pilot will be assisted by artificial intelligence capabilities and other “innovative solutions.” A two-seat model may also be available.

The cockpit features one large and several smaller color multifunction displays, unlike the F-35’s single-piece flat panel, along with a standard heads-up display.

Observers at MAKS said the jet does indeed have a ventral weapons bay, as well as two slender side bays for internal carriage of weapons. Besides the KH-59MK anti-ship missile shown in pre-unveiling images, the Checkmate display also includes long- and short-range air-to-air missiles and an assortment of air-to-ground ordnance including the GROM-E1 and GROM–E2 winged bombs, comparable to the StormBreaker Small Diameter Bomb II. It’s unclear from promotional material at the display whether a 30mm internal gun is part of the basic aircraft or will be “available” to customers. Only the F-35A version has an internal gun as standard gear.

Unexplained transparencies on the side of the aircraft suggest a capability similar to the F-35’s Distributed Aperture System. There was no direct reference to a helmet that could take advantage of such a system, like that on the F-35.

Company officials also said the Checkmate will be more field maintainable than other jets in its class with its capability. The F-35’s operating cost and maintainability have remained stubbornly high; so much so that the Government Accountability Office and the U.S. military services have considered cutting back on purchases due to affordability. The UAC claims at this point are purely speculative.

Images of the Checkmate circulated by various press organizations show the planform and main air intake are broadly similar to that of the Boeing X-32 Joint Strike Fighter contender in the competition won in 2001 by the Lockheed Martin F-35. It also echoes features of other also-ran U.S. fighter designs of the 1990s.

An Air Force spokesman did not have any comment about the Checkmate.

Acquisition Rules Block the Building of War-Winning Networks

Acquisition Rules Block the Building of War-Winning Networks

Rules governing how the U.S. military can buy software and networking tools are standing in the way of rapidly developing adaptable networks that can win future wars, according to a new paper from the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies.

“Speed is Life: Accelerating the Air Force’s Ability to Adapt and Win” posits that “bureaucratic systems” actually prevent the Air Force and other military services from rapidly developing, experimenting with, and fielding new software and networks, author Heather Penney said on a streaming webcast to discuss the paper.

“How we use” new aircraft and weapons “in new and creative ways … will make the difference” in future conflicts, Penney said. Datalinks and networks are “becoming the foundation of how we fight,” she added. To prevail in a future conflict, “We’re going to need to adapt our architecture faster” than an enemy can attack, disrupt, or exploit it. That means the services must be able to quickly buy software or “mission integration tools” that can automatically build patches needed to get disparate systems talking to each other, she said.

Such mission integration tools will be key to the Air Force’s joint all-domain command and control, Advanced Battle Management Systems, and similar systems in the Army and Navy, Penney said. But, “believe it or not, we found that the primary barriers to being able to field these software tools” have to do with how funds are appropriated in certain accounts; the “color of money.”

Bending the rules on how the money is spent “scares people, because you can go to jail if you get it wrong,” she said. “This is serious stuff,” she added, but “the funding categories are fundamentally ill-suited for the pace of software development.” The limitations on who can spend the funds “prevents us from fielding software tools.”

There’s also no dedicated system program office for datalinks, she said. These and the waveforms that connect systems are typically managed as part of the data package for individual major weapon systems, Penney explained. That makes them subject to the broader weapon system’s timelines for upgrade and modification, which is too slow for today’s battlefield.

“Too often, mission integration falls below the cutline,” she said. Finally, “our networks are constructed at the [Combatant Commander] level, where they take months to engineer.” Because different datalinks can be incompatible with each other—the Air Force’s F-22 Intra-Flight Datalink (IFDL) and the F-35’s Multifunction Advanced Datalink (MADL) still can’t talk to each other, Penney noted—“it takes trained experts to build these over-arching battle networks to optimize connectivity.” But because the terminals are fixed, “we can’t change the way we fight,” she said.

If the services are going to become more adaptable to fast-moving changes on the battlefield, “we must address these bureaucratic barriers to fielding these mission integration software tools that can provide our forces with an adaptive advantage. Accelerating the pace of war means not only being “faster than the old Blue,” but being faster than “the Red.”

Penney said development times for network linkages are also too long, and again, are hampered by the fact that they are typically associated with individual systems.

Asked who should be making the case for change, Penney said the Office of the Secretary of Defense should be educating Congress “on some of the constraints and limitations these kinds of colors of money impose on not just the Air Force, but all the services. Networking is a service-“agnostic” issue, she said.

There’s been such discussion for several years, and Penney noted that the 2018 National Defense Authorization Act created new software acquisition categories.

The OSD and Congress need to come to some agreements, though, because the issue isn’t limited to networking tools but “every kind of changing and adaptive software that we’ll have, which includes autonomy, [artificial intelligence], anything that has machine learning sprinkled into it, … and how we do test and verification.”

Timothy Grayson, director of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency’s Strategic Technology Office, also on the streaming session, said he thinks Congress “has actually been incredibly strong advocates for a lot of this.”

He noted that Congress has been supportive of an effort called STITCHES—System-of-systems Technology Integration Tool Chain for Heterogeneous Electronic Systems—tried out in last September’s ABMS experiment—and understands that “the only way you discover these issues is if you try it. So this is programmatic experimentation in parallel to warfighting experimentation.”

Grayson said Congress has been pushing precisely this kind of acquisition reform in recent years, but “the bigger problem,” he said, is the appropriations process.

“Because that’s where there’s a tendency to say, ‘I want things that are very accountable. We need accountability.’ By definition, this effort to be very adaptive, and trying to leave a lot of discretionary freedom on the money side, is counter to the concept of accountability.”

What the Pentagon should do, he said, is get ahead of the inevitable question and “think about how we can generate that accountability. How we create a … way to measure how well we’re spending that money while we have discretion. And I think that’s an … interesting open-ended problem.”

Penny said that such accountability “is one of the major concerns” of Congress.

“That’s their constitutional responsibility. We need to develop that kind of oversight as well as providing the kind of flexibility the services will need” to prevail in future conflicts, she added.

The Mitchell paper recommended that:

  • The “color of money” problems be swiftly resolved
  • Mission integration tools be given their own programs of record and program executive officers, and not be tied to their “parent” hardware systems
  • Joint integration officers be trained and embedded at all operational levels to ensure connections and patches are created and fixed when broken
  • There be a stepped-up series of network integration experiments made and development of tactics, techniques, and procedures in this field.
US Conducts First Airstrike in Somalia Under Biden Administration

US Conducts First Airstrike in Somalia Under Biden Administration

U.S. forces July 20 conducted an airstrike targeting al-Shabab fighters in Somalia, the first such strike under President Joe Biden.

The strike, which comes after most American troops have left the country, supported partner Somali forces under attack in the vicinity of Galkayo.

“There were no U.S. forces accompanying Somali forces during this operation,” Defense Department spokesperson Cindi King said in a statement. “U.S. forces were conducting a remote advise-and-assist mission in support of designated Somali partner forces. U.S. forces are authorized to conduct strikes in support of combatant commander-designated partner forces under collective self defense.”

The last airstrike in Somalia was Jan. 19, just before Biden was inaugurated as President.

In December, then-President Donald J. Trump ordered U.S. troops to leave Somalia as part of a large, fast airlift mission called Operation Octave Quartz. Since then, American forces have been “commuting to work” by flying in for short-term missions then leaving the country, commander of U.S. Africa Command Army Gen. Stephen J. Townsend said.

Last month, however, Townsend said the Defense Department is considering sending American troops back to the country. The “fairly sudden repositioning out of Somalia” has made the mission more risky and complex, he said.

“So, what we’re trying to do is manage that risk and complexity as we still try to help our African partners with their security challenges,” he added. 

Military Justice Reform Advances in Senate

Military Justice Reform Advances in Senate

The Senate Armed Services personnel subcommittee voted July 20 to include New York Democrat Kirsten Gillibrand’s bill to remove prosecution of serious crimes from the military chain of command in its markup of the 2022 National Defense Authorization Act, setting up a debate in the full committee over just how far reforms of the military justice system will go.

Gillibrand’s bill, which would have a military attorney from a Judge Advocate General’s Corps review completed investigations for serious crimes, then decide if the case should go to court instead of to base commanders, has attracted broad bipartisan support, with 66 co-sponsors from both sides of the political aisle. 

But while much of the focus on the bill has been on how it would combat sexual assault and harassment in the military, it would also change how prosecutorial decisions are made with regard to a range of other felonies not related to sex crimes, including murder, robbery, kidnapping, and bribery, among others.

Senate Armed Services Committee chairman Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.) included Austin’s reforms in his chairman’s markup of the 2022 NDAA under general provisions, but Gillibrand, who chairs the personnel subcommittee, said during the July 20 subcommittee markup she was “deeply disappointed” that Reed did not include her more expansive bill in his markup. Reed and Gillibrand have opposed each other on this topic before.

“While I have disagreed strongly and publicly with the chairman on the substance and the merits of this bill, I do recognize that he is the first chairman of this committee to support at least moving sexual assault and related crimes from the chain of command,” Gillibrand said July 20. “That is an important piece of the puzzle, but we must resist the urge to isolate sex crimes and create a separate but unequal system of justice within the military for survivors.”

The personnel subcommittee voted 5-1 to include Gillibrand’s bill as an amendment, garnering support from some of the Senate’s most noted liberal and conservative members, including Massachusetts Democrat Elizabeth Warren to Missouri Republican Josh Hawley. 

“I believe that when we have servicemen and women who have had serious crimes committed against them, felony crimes, as are addressed in this bill, it is absolutely imperative that justice is done to these men and women, and that the procedures and standards that they can expect are uniform and are predictable, that trained military prosecutors make the final call as to whether or not this will go forward, these cases will go forward for prosecution,” Hawley said in explaining his support for the broader bill.

The lone dissenting vote came from North Carolina Republican Thom Tillis, the subcommittee’s ranking member and only member that is not a cosponsor to Gillibrand’s bill. In explaining his reasoning, though, Tillis indicated his opposition was due to his belief that the amendment should have been introduced in the full committee markup.

As it is, that full committee markup, now including Gillibrand’s amendment, will come July 21 in a closed session.

During a House Armed Services Committee hearing on the topic, Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Texas) raised concerns about the impact of removing commanders from the decision to prosecute. Jackson, a former Navy rear admiral, said “it is important that a commander is engaged in all aspects of his or her unit so that he or she has the entire picture when making decisions.”

Taking that responsibility away from commanders “could undermine the foundation of a unit,” he said.

Deputy Defense Secretary Kathleen H. Hicks, in response, said the issue of sexual assault and sexual harassment has proven unique in this regard. Service members have expressed concern about their trust in the chain of command, “and we believe that the price we are paying for that lack of trust is not acceptable.”

Hicks said by adopting the recommendations of the Independent Review Commission, the Pentagon aims to give commanders other tools “so that they are in a stronger position to stay connected.” Removing a leader from the decision to prosecute is a “best-in-class practice in the civilian sector” as well, she said.

Pentagon Editor Brian W. Everstine contributed to this report.