Australia-US Alliance to Include Enhanced Air and Space Cooperation

Australia-US Alliance to Include Enhanced Air and Space Cooperation

Australia is declaring its allegiance to the “global rules-based order,” the U.S. Defense Department’s code for keeping China in check, with a host of joint military capability development plans that go beyond the recent high-profile sharing of nuclear submarine technology.

“Australia’s role has increased in prominence because of what’s happening in the region,” Australian ambassador in Washington, D.C., Arthur Sinodinos said at a meeting of the Defense Writers Group on Nov. 16.

“China has risen, and the center of gravity of the global economy, the global geopolitics, if you like, has shifted to the Indo-Pacific,” he added. “That’s raised real challenges. Our strategic circumstances have changed.”

On the 70th anniversary of the ANZUS Security Treaty between the United States, Australia, and New Zealand, Australia plans to invest heavily in defense, with close to $200 billion over 10 years. As part of the new trilateral security agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the U.S., known as AUKUS, the Pacific ally also plans to jointly develop a range of new military capabilities with the United States to fulfill, in part, a strategic aim to develop 60 critical technologies.

“This is not just about submarines,” the ambassador underscored.

“My prime minister puts particular focus on the non-submarine aspects of AUKUS,” he said, citing artificial intelligence, machine learning, cyber warfare, quantum computing, and separate undersea warfare capabilities. “It’s all very important capabilities for Australia to develop high-level capacities in, and that we cannot do on our own.”

Sinodinos said China’s telecommunications interference and economic aggression were a motivation behind Australia’s renewed look at its own national security. Likewise, Australia’s national security interests align with strengthening the U.S. military partnership.

“We bring a lot to the table, but we benefit enormously,” he said.

In part, Australia intends to develop its own indigenous military capabilities.

“What we’re trying to do with sovereign capabilities is that … in the context of a conflict, we have access on-shore to, for example, precision-guided munitions that might otherwise be in short supply,” he said. “By having that capability, we’re actually stronger allies and partners.”

Air and Space Cooperation

In 2020, Australia and the U.S. agreed to jointly work on a new air-breathing hypersonic attack cruise missile in the DOD program Southern Cross Integrated Flight Research Experiment (SCIFiRE).

Sinodinos said the program continues on pace.

“On hypersonics, we have been doing further work with the U.S. about the potential of these developments,” the ambassador said without elaborating.

Sinodinos also elaborated on what he meant by “enhanced air cooperation” with the United States.

“The Joint Strike Fighter, for example, is an example of a technology where we got in on the ground floor with the U.S. to help develop,” he said of the nine-country, jointly funded program that led to the development of the F-35. “That’s a philosophy we’re bringing to some of the other capabilities.”

Australia’s early involvement in the program helped the country to better understand the technology and the supply chains required, he said.

“When we talk about enhanced air cooperation, it’s also about that technological aspect,” he said.

In the area of space cooperation, Sinodinos, who as a minister of industry helped establish the Australian Space Agency, said Australia sought to improve space situational awareness and strengthen its launch capabilities.

“Space is an area where we think we can bring strengths to the table,” he said, noting a desire to establish launch capabilities in South Australia. Sinodinos said Australia was in the process of negotiating a technology safeguard agreement for the exchange of information and technology with NASA around space launch.

Sinodinos also noted that Australia set up a working group on force posture initiatives in 2020 and currently hosts 2,500 U.S. Marines in the northern city of Darwin.

“We’ve also entered into a sort of a classified agreement on strategic intent on capabilities,” he said, possibly referencing the Pentagon’s ongoing force structure review. “Once that paper is out, things will be a lot clearer publicly, and we’ll be able to speak about this more publicly as well.”

Listen to a USAF Astronaut’s Emergency Call With NASA After Russian ASAT Test

Listen to a USAF Astronaut’s Emergency Call With NASA After Russian ASAT Test

Air Force Col. Raja Chari is the astronaut onboard the International Space Station heard receiving emergency instructions from the Johnson Space Center after Russia’s Nov. 15 anti-satellite weapon test, NASA confirmed to Air Force Magazine.

Commander of the Crew-3 mission—the third under SpaceX’s contract to transport astronauts in its Crew Dragon capsules—Chari is a test pilot and member of NASA’s “Artemis Team” of astronauts picked to prepare for moon missions.

“Heads-up, 15 minutes to the next debris field pass,” a voice from the space center says in the audio clip, which had been played more than 42,000 times as of Nov. 18. 

“Is the conjunction still a yellow risk, or has it changed?” Chari replies.

“It’s an equivalent yellow for the next debris pass,” says the official in Houston. “And then also, we are estimating that the probability of a hit to Dragon would be lower than the rest of the ISS.”

Chari asks for confirmation that someone from SpaceX is “on console” in case of a hit and proposes the idea of staying suited up in spacesuits and flying back home if so, emphasizing, “This is all if Dragon takes a hit.”

“Alteration to that proposal,” says Houston. “If Dragon takes a hit, we will get you back on station.” 

The ISS made it through two close passes by the debris without a reported hit.  

The four-member crew—three U.S. astronauts and a German—arrived at the ISS on Nov. 11 only to have to get ready to bug out a handful of days later. Navy submarine warfare officer Lt. Cmdr. Kayla Barron is another Artemis astronaut along on the Crew-3 mission.

The Artemis Team of which Chari and Barron are members comprises 18 astronauts, four of whom would theoretically be tapped for a flyby of the moon on NASA’s Artemis-2 mission; and up to four who would go on NASA’s first moon landing mission since the Apollo era. NASA had projected the goal of landing people on the moon by 2024, but a report this month by its Office of Inspector General clarified that the human landing will likely take place several years later than that because of program delays.

When Chari was selected for NASA’s 2017 astronaut class, he served as commander of the 461st Flight Test Squadron and director of the F-35 Integrated Test Force, according to his NASA bio. He had more than 2,500 hours in the F-35, F-15, F-16, and F-18 and flew the F-15E in Operation Iraqi Freedom. He graduated from the Air Force Academy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Naval Test Pilot School.

Austin to Review Strike Policies After Civilian Deaths, Reaffirms Work to Counter Adversaries

Austin to Review Strike Policies After Civilian Deaths, Reaffirms Work to Counter Adversaries

The Defense Department may change its policies to hold leaders accountable when military strikes go awry and innocent civilians are killed, said Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III on Nov. 17. During a rare press briefing by Austin at the Pentagon, he also questioned Putin’s actions on Ukraine’s border, but when asked, he did not explain why deterrence has failed to quell Iran’s malign activities or say why China is further along in the development of hypersonic weapons than America.

“The American people deserve to know that we take this issue very seriously and that we are committed to protecting civilians and getting this right,” Austin said, referring to an Aug. 29 airstrike in Kabul that killed 10 civilians, including seven children.

“We have more work to do in that regard, clearly, and I recognize that,” Austin added.

The target in the strike was thought to be an ISIS-K operative but was revealed to be an aid worker and his family. An investigation found that confirmation bias and poor communication caused the error, which took place just three days after 13 American service members were killed by an ISIS-K attack during the noncombatant evacuation operation at Hamid Karzai International Airport.

In a 2019 strike against ISIS in Baghuz, Syria, brought to light by the New York Times, dozens of civilians were killed along with 16 fighters before U.S. Central Command allegedly covered up wrongdoing and disallowed an investigation of war crimes.

The report claims the strike was conducted by a Special Operations unit called Task Force 9. U.S. Special Operations Command spokesperson Col. Curtis J. Kellogg told Air Force magazine, “allegations of a cover-up are inaccurate based on the facts U.S. Central Command provided.”

Nonetheless, Austin committed to change U.S. policies once two independent studies are available. He also said he is now reading recommendations that he requested from the commanders of SOCOM and CENTCOM following the Kabul strike.

“We must work harder. I’m committed to adjusting our policies and our procedures to make sure that we improve,” he said.

Asked if he would impose disciplinary action or otherwise hold people accountable, Austin said: “I believe that leaders in this department should be held to account for high standards of conduct and leadership.”

Austin said the department will shortly review two outside studies on civilian harm, one conducted by the RAND Corp. as part of the National Defense Authorization Act of 2020, which will be released soon; another, on civilian casualties in Syria, which is in security review.

Russia, Iran, and China

Austin, who is slated to meet with his Ukrainian counterpart at the Pentagon on Nov. 18, said it is still unclear why Russian President Vladimir Putin is massing troops on the Ukrainian border.

“We’re not sure exactly what Mr. Putin is up to,” Austin said, noting that he is in frequent contact with the head of U.S. European Command, USAF Gen. Tod D. Wolters.

“These movements certainly have our attention. And, you know, I would urge Russia to be more transparent about what they’re up to, and to take steps to live up to the Minsk agreements,” Austin said, referring to the 2014 agreement that reduced conflict between Russia and Ukraine in that country’s southeast Donbas region.

Security analysts are worried Russia may be massing troops again with the intent of another land grab after Russia annexed the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, leading to international sanctions.

Iran’s malign activities in the Middle East were also discussed, as the Secretary was asked to clarify why the USS Essex did not fire on an Iranian naval helicopter Nov. 13 that circled three times and came within 25 yards in the Gulf of Oman.

“We are prepared to defend our interests and our partners going forward,” Austin said. “We’re going to continue to work with our allies and partners to ensure that we communicate to Iran that this type of behavior won’t be tolerated again.”

Separately, the Secretary said DOD is committed to preventing Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and that the Pentagon supports diplomatic efforts for Iran to rejoin the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the so-called “Iran nuclear deal” that President Donald J. Trump withdrew from in 2018.

Austin also repeated his refrain that China is America’s “pacing challenge” in the wake of China’s alleged orbital hypersonic weapon test in August.

“We also have to maintain the capabilities to defend ourselves,” Austin said. “We’re working as hard as we can to ensure that we can defend ourselves against a range of threats going forward.”

However, Austin could not say why China appears to have fielded a hypersonic weapon before the United States.

“We continue to move as fast as we can to develop capabilities. And again, we look at our full range of capabilities, and not just one specific capability, as we look at our adversaries,” he said.

DOD to Extend Housing Assistance, Help with Food Aid for Service Members

DOD to Extend Housing Assistance, Help with Food Aid for Service Members

The Pentagon will ramp up monetary assistance to members of the military who are struggling to afford or locate adequate housing while also better advertising food programs, Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III said Nov. 17.

“The pandemic and tight housing markets across the country have made financial struggles even tougher,” Austin told journalists in the Pentagon press room. “I’ve directed the department to take several steps to strengthen the economic security of our force.”

DOD will address housing and food costs with “immediate relief” as the holidays approach.

First, DOD temporarily raised the Basic Allowance for Housing in areas with a 10 percent increase in rental costs. In areas with housing shortages, the department will extend temporary lodging reimbursements beyond 10 days to give service members and their families additional time to find a home.

To address food security, DOD created a “toolkit” for leaders to identify struggling service members and connect them to available support programs. Austin also gave the undersecretary of defense for personnel and readiness 90 days to develop a roadmap to strengthen food security.

In a memo to the force on strengthening economic security, Austin said the issues were about readiness.

“This is a complex problem, and every level of the Department will own a piece of the solution,” Austin wrote.

The military’s Military OneSource web portal hosts the economic security toolkit to highlight resources available to service members. Other options to increase stability for members and families include extended tour lengths for accompanied overseas tours, exceeding the 36-month timeline for CONUS assignments, and increased flexibility for assignment report dates where housing wait times are a problem. Financial education and well-being for service members will also be expanded.

“Men and women in uniform and their families have enough to worry about. Basic necessities, like food and housing, shouldn’t be among them,” Austin said at the press conference.

“This is a readiness issue,” he added. “That’s why I’m focused on making sure that our service members and their families have what they need to thrive so that they can focus on the hard work of defending our nation.”

DOD Putting New Arctic Security Studies Center in Anchorage

DOD Putting New Arctic Security Studies Center in Anchorage

The Defense Department’s new academic research and training venue focused on the Arctic will be located in Anchorage, Alaska, the Pentagon announced Nov. 17.

The exact location of the Ted Stevens Center for Arctic Security Studies, first announced in June, is still to be determined. But Anchorage was identified as the sole candidate city, DOD announced in a press release.

The Defense Department will use the Department of the Air Force Strategic Basing process to evaluate facilities for the final selection process. Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, which is hosted by the 673rd Air Base Wing, is in Anchorage.

In September, the Pentagon announced that retired USAF Maj. Gen. Randy “Church” Kee would serve as senior adviser for Arctic security affairs and assist with establishing the center, which will report to the undersecretary of defense for policy and support U.S. Northern Command, U.S. European Command, and U.S. Indo-Pacific Command.

This marks the sixth regional center for security studies the Defense Department has established, joining ones focused on Europe, Africa, the Asia Pacific, Near East South Asia, and the Western Hemisphere. Three are in Washington D.C., with the others in Honolulu, Hawaii, and Germany.

The purpose of the regional centers is “focused research in support of Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy priorities, and the cultivation of communities of practice,” according to a DOD fact sheet.

More specifically, the Arctic center will: 

  • Advance Arctic awareness.
  • Advance DOD’s Arctic priorities.
  • Reinforce the rules-based order in the Arctic.
  • Address the impacts of climate change in the region. 

The Pentagon’s interest in and concern for the Arctic region has expanded greatly in the past few years, as Russia and China look to assert their might in the region and melting ice caps have led to increased access to natural resources and contested shipping lanes. 

Still, Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, head of NORTHCOM and NORAD, told Congress this past June that DOD “didn’t move the ball very far down the field this year in the budget with regards to resources in the Arctic.”

15,000 Reserve, Guard Airmen Remain Unvaccinated Two Weeks from Deadline

15,000 Reserve, Guard Airmen Remain Unvaccinated Two Weeks from Deadline

On Nov. 2, the Air Force became the first military service to implement its COVID-19 vaccine mandate, with more than 10,000 Active-duty Airmen and Guardians remaining unvaccinated after the deadline.

Two weeks later, the total number of those unvaccinated has dropped, but only to 9,685, and the backlog of religious accommodation requests remains upwards of 4,800 with a pressing deadline to rule on them.

At the same time, another deadline is looming. Airmen from the Air Force Reserve and Air National Guard must be fully vaccinated by Dec. 2, the first deadline for any Reserve or Guard component in the military. While that deadline approaches, however, the Pentagon and the Oklahoma National Guard are engaged in a dispute over whether the Defense Department has the necessary authority to require the vaccine for the Guard.

The Air Force’s most recent data, released Nov. 17, show that 94.9 percent of the approximately 501,000 individuals in the Total Force are at least partially vaccinated, leaving roughly 25,500 Airmen and Guardians completely unvaccinated. 

More than 1,600 Active-duty service members have been granted exemptions to the vaccine mandate—though still no religious exemptions have been given—and another 8,068 have not started the vaccination process, either due to refusal, pending exemption request, or other reasons.

That leaves more than 15,000 Airmen in the Air Force Reserve and Air National Guard who are completely unvaccinated. The Air Force won’t release any data on exemptions or refusals of the mandate for the two components until after the Dec. 2 deadline.

Some of those unvaccinated individuals are likely part of the Oklahoma Air National Guard, which is in the middle of a legal debate over the mandate. On Nov. 11, newly installed adjutant general Brig. Gen. Thomas H. Mancino issued a memo stating that no member of the Oklahoma National Guard, which includes the state’s Air National Guard, would be required to take the vaccine, according to The Oklahoman.

In a statement, Mancino defended the move, saying that while the Guard is on Title 32 status—under command and control of the state government but federally funded—they must follow orders from Gov. Kevin Stitt, who is not requiring the vaccine. That would change, Mancino indicated, if the Guardsmen were activated under Title 10 orders, which puts them under federal control.

Pentagon Press Secretary John F. Kirby pushed back on this claim, though, in a Nov. 15 press briefing, saying that Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III had the authority to mandate the vaccine for the National Guard, even on Title 32 status, because “when they’re called up for their monthly training, they’re still federally funded.”

More specifically, a defense official said in a Nov. 17 background briefing that “service members in the Guard have to maintain federal recognition. Maintaining federal recognition means they are part of the Army or Air National Guard of the United States and are available to deploy, be mobilized, and to serve as part of the U.S. military. … That federal recognition can be conditioned upon various requirements,” such as a vaccine mandate.

The official appeared to be referencing section 323 of Title 32, which details how federal recognition can be withdrawn from a Guard member who fails to meet the “qualifications prescribed by the Secretary.”

How the Pentagon plans to enforce this provision remains unclear, however, with Kirby responding to questions on that issue simply by saying, “It’s a lawful order, and refusing to do that, absent of an approved exemption, puts them in the same potential as Active-duty members who refuse the vaccine.”

Russian ASAT Test Emphasizes Urgency of AFRL Quest for Defensive Satellite Tech

Russian ASAT Test Emphasizes Urgency of AFRL Quest for Defensive Satellite Tech

The Russian test of an anti-satellite weapon this week highlighted the vulnerability of orbital assets on which the U.S. military increasingly relies, and it dramatically demonstrated why a new U.S. Space Force research and development program is focused on defensive technologies, according to experts and military officials.

The test, which created hundreds of thousands of pieces of space debris, reduced a derelict Russian spy satellite to a cloud of orbital debris—showcasing the kind of weaponry the Space Force will have to counter if it is to provide critical communication, surveillance, and other capabilities to U.S. forces on the ground in an all-out shooting war with a peer competitor like Russia or China, explained Brian Engberg, director of the Space Control Technology Branch of the Air Force Research Laboratory.

“Our current priorities are on establishing defensive measures and resilience for our satellite platforms,” Engberg told Air Force Magazine. The idea, he said, is that, even in the teeth of an attack using weapons like the one Russia tested Nov. 15, Space Force orbital assets should continue to “provide critical space-based services like communications, navigation [and] timing, operational awareness, information dominance, which then enable strong offensive and defensive advantages for [our terrestrial forces] on land, sea, and [in the] air.”

A Tough Ask

That’s a tough ask, said Brian Weeden, director of program planning for the Secure World Foundation, who has spent two decades studying the issue. The Russian weapon, a vehicle-launched ballistic missile called Nudol, is a direct ascent anti-satellite weapon or DA-ASAT, Weeden explained.

The missile acts like a rocket, powering a kinetic kill vehicle, or KKV, into a collision path with the target satellite. The KKV doesn’t need a warhead, just a guidance system to make last minute course corrections to steer it into the target, Weeden said. Kinetic energy does the rest. “At the speed the KKV is traveling and the satellite is also, in low Earth orbit, probably already moving at six or seven kilometers per second … It’s just boom,” he said.

Weeden also pointed out that explosions in space lack the destructive power of their counterparts on the ground. “No atmosphere means no blast wave, no concussion effects,” he noted.

Nonetheless, the DA-ASAT is a very effective weapon, he said. “From launch to impact, you may have as little as five or 10 minutes” before the KKV impacts the target. When the launch occurs, the target satellite may still be beyond the horizon, meaning it wouldn’t see the telltale flare.    

“So I think it’s very, very difficult to counter that,” he said, adding that an architecture based on hundreds of satellites would be less vulnerable than one based on two or three.

The effectiveness of DA-ASAT probably explains why the U.S., China, and India have also successfully tested such weapons, Weeden added.

Understanding the brief window of time satellite assets will have to respond to threats is powering a major focus of AFRL’s research, said Engberg, referring to satellite autonomy.

“We’re not on a path to Skynet,” he joked. The aim of the research is to show how satellites can use artificial intelligence and machine learning “to be able to detect and make a decision about protecting its own capability, when you cannot wait for a human on the ground to receive data, make a decision, and send up a command to avoid a potential threat.”

Autonomy is especially important when dealing with directed energy weapons, which travel at the speed of light, Engberg said. “We anticipate there will be scenarios and threats for which a human in the loop commanding a satellite or a system of satellites from the ground will not be fast enough to defeat certain threats, especially speed-of-light threats.”

In addition to autonomy, the other two foci of R&D in the Space Control Technology Branch are cybersecurity of space systems and space situational awareness in the vast empty spaces between Earth orbit and the Moon, Engberg said.

A Changing Strategic Calculus

The strategic calculus embedded in the Space Force’s R&D focus on defensive capabilities is that deterrence by denial (i.e. hardening U.S. space systems) is a more productive strategy than deterrence by destruction, said Weeden. Especially given that the U.S. military relied much more heavily on space than potential adversaries. “The calculation has always been that deterrence by threatening reprisal doesn’t work as well if your adversary doesn’t rely on space as much as you do,” Weeden explained.

Over time, that strategic calculus might shift, Weeden said, especially with regard to Beijing.

“China is investing a lot of money in developing its own constellation of GPS satellites. They’re developing their own satellites for reconnaissance and intelligence collection; they’re building a space station; they’re developing their own satellites for communications. They’re investing a lot of money in developing space, so I think it is true that over time, China is going to become more of a stakeholder in space.”

But he cautioned that currently, the traditional security calculus still holds true. “At the moment, when it comes to national security benefits from space, the U.S. still relies a lot more on it than China does,” Weeden noted. “Particularly for something like a Taiwan Straits or a South China Sea crisis, where we would be ‘playing away’” and more reliant on globe-spanning communication.

China, which has astronauts building a space station in a similar orbit to the ISS, has not reacted to the Russian test or published what safety measures its astronauts may have taken as they construct the Tianhe module of the space station. The China Manned Space Agency said Oct 15 that it was publishing orbital data for Tianhe and hoped “relevant agencies and organizations of other countries will pay attention to these data and avoid collisions,” according to state media.

The Russian test and its impact on the ISS also demonstrates the growing danger that a war in space might create, Engberg added.

The Kessler Syndrome and the End of Orbit

As thousands of satellites are launched into LEO constellations such as Starlink and OneWeb, the risk grows that any single collision could spark a chain reaction, as debris collides with additional satellites, in turn creating more debris. Such a cascade could end by destroying everything in orbit, a phenomenon known as Kessler Syndrome.

An early public indication Nov. 15 that something was amiss in orbit was when NASA ordered astronauts in the International Space Station to take shelter in the crew capsules that would return them to Earth in an emergency. The concern was, Weeden said, that the debris field from the Russian satellite, in orbit a mere 40 or 50 kilometers above the ISS, might impact the space station.

“The debris field spreads above and below the destruction point. We don’t know how high yet, because that data is still being collected and analyzed,” he said.

Kessler Syndrome is, in some ways, like climate change was in the last century, he said. “It’s a poorly understood risk, but it’s getting worse,” he said. “All we know is, there’s some unknown probability that one of these pieces might hit something else over the next years to several decades. And space is big. So the probability is pretty low. But you do this frequently enough, and the probabilities catch up to you, eventually.”

For exactly that reason, Weeden said, strategists tended to favor attacks on orbital assets that were non-kinetic, and if possible temporary and reversible.

“The high risk of collateral damage from offensive space weapons means no one will really benefit from escalating a [kinetic] conflict into the space domain,” added Engberg.

Despite its rather bland name, the Space Control Technology Branch that he heads is the center of AFRL’s efforts to develop new space warfighting technologies. Earlier this year, AFRL Commander Maj. Gen. Heather L. Pringle cut the ribbon on a newly opened 26,000-square-foot, $12.8 million Space Warfighting Operations Research and Development, or SWORD, laboratory. The building now houses the branch’s few dozen scientists, engineers, and support staff, part of the Space Vehicles Directorate at Kirtland Air Force Base, N.M.

But Engberg insists, “AFRL is not investing in offensive space capabilities … Our goal is to provide a safe flight environment [in orbit] through [domain] awareness and reliable services [to warfighters] through agility and survivability, … but [to] be prepared for irresponsible behavior,” he said.

Weeden pointed out that informed observers believed the U.S. had undeclared offensive kinetic capabilities in space and continued to research technologies that could be used for non-kinetic attacks.

“Many of us assume that existing U.S. missile defense interceptors … could be used to target satellites with basically just a software change. … We know the U.S. has done a lot of research on technologies for rendezvous and proximity operations—getting close to other satellites—that could be used in co-orbital attacks. We know there’s a lot of research being done in lasers and other directed energy weapons. We know the U.S. has probably the best cyber offensive capabilities in the world.

“So a lot of us assume that the U.S. has more capabilities than what they’ve revealed,” he concluded.

Wargames Show Air Force Isn’t Accelerating Fast Enough, Hinote Says

Wargames Show Air Force Isn’t Accelerating Fast Enough, Hinote Says

The Air Force’s mantra under Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr. has been to “accelerate change or lose,” but the most recent wargaming indicates, so far, the latter, according to Lt. Gen. S. Clinton Hinote, the Air Force’s futurist. The corrective action is to speed up the deployment of large numbers of unmanned systems and to proliferate operating locations to complicate an enemy’s decision-making, he said.  

“Unfortunately, the wargaming says that we’re not accelerating our change fast enough,” said Hinote, the deputy chief of staff for strategy, integration, and requirements, during a webinar hosted by the Center for a New American Security. Brown’s mantra is proved right by the outcomes of recent exercises—about which Hinote did not elaborate—saying, simply, “We’ve got to go faster.”

He noted that the Air Force “used to” think it had until 2030 or so to achieve its evolution but now sees the need to get to a new posture by around 2027, given the advances being made by China and other potential adversaries. That horizon makes it “more difficult to imagine” starting new systems now that will be ready by then, making an imperative of connecting the equipment already in hand, he asserted. The short timeline also puts a priority on training, he said, which will make “a huge difference there.”

Hinote said the Air Force has recently opened up some of its exercises to Capitol Hill staffers and members of Congress, allowing the stakeholders to “help us shape the game, and we took the results back to them to show them what happened.” It’s “one of the ways of helping us tell the story of the change we need and the fact that we need to get after it faster,” he said.

The Air Force has pitched Congress to allow the retirements of legacy platforms and systems that are no longer relevant in order to free up manpower and funds for new systems, but Congress has been skeptical so far.

Future Combat Power

The Air Force is now looking to large numbers of unmanned aircraft as one way to achieve the combat power needed without the expense of building every airplane with a seat, displays, and an escape system for a human operator. The profusion of airborne targets, he said, will make an adversary’s job harder and make it easier for USAF to achieve air superiority at the time and place of its choosing. Hinote did not mention the Next-Generation Air Dominance, or NGAD, system as central to this mission.

The service will soon be doing experiments to examine “what does a unit of combat power look like?” he said. “If they’re flying all of these small unmanned aircraft around … to accomplish different things?” he continued. “I don’t know what that looks like, yet. … We need to experiment with that and exactly how to build those units.” However, he called the work “exciting … because we get a chance to shape that for the next generation of Airmen.”

Air superiority has become “much more challenging,” Hinote said, and “it will require us to think differently than we have in the past.” In fact, “I have a lot of trouble with” the idea of perpetual air dominance. For while total air control was a “prerequisite” to almost all military operations, but Hinote said, “I don’t see [that] as a viable thing to try to establish.” New thinking will be needed about “how we’re going to penetrate into those contested areas and how we’re going to create that effect of air superiority.”

The Air Force will have to put more thinking into defending the homeland from air attack and projecting forces forward to protect allies, he said.

“We are going to have to … reimagine air superiority for the next 40 years,” he said.

Hinote expounded on the need to multiply operating locations to complicate the enemy’s targeting problem, saying the Air Force will transition toward a force that increasingly will be “runway independent,” taking advantage of unmanned systems that can launch from a vehicle or patch of ground using “rocket-assisted takeoff” and recover by parachute, and aircraft that can take off and land either on a short runway or road, or vertically. He said the service must evolve from being concentrated on three or four bases to “tens … to thousands.”

“The best way of defending yourself, … given all the firepower an adversary like China could bring to a fight, is you’ve got to disperse; you’ve got to spread out; you’ve got to be able to take a punch to the point where they can’t concentrate on just a few targets.” That translates to more bases and more—smaller—formations, he said, where decision-making is in the hands of people on the scene applying commanders’ intent, especially if communications are interrupted, as they likely will be.

Adversaries have learned to make their crucial assets, such as air defenses, mobile, and now the Air Force must adopt that mindset as well, Hinote said. “We want to create that same issue for them.”

A Strategy of Denial

The Air Force will apply a “strategy of denial” in its future deployments, he said. “It’s going to be very important for us to create power projection capabilities that can survive and defend in those very contested areas, which means they need to be different than they were before,” he asserted.

Underlying it all will be joint and multi-domain operations, where decision-makers can view agnostically provided intelligence then choose from which domain an effect will be delivered. This, too, will complicate an adversary’s planning and posture, he said.

Asked what key capabilities the Air Force needs, “certainly you’re going to see better weapons. Right now we’re in need of a better air-to-air weapon, a better ship-killing weapon, and a better surface-to-air-missile-killing weapon,” he said.

The service has said little about its AIM-260 successor to the Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile, used for dogfighting, except that it’s meant to redress the advantage that China has with its long-range PL-15 missile. The Air Force is buying the stealthy Long-Range Anti-Ship Missile (LRASM) in small quantities and has talked about using directed energy systems to spoof or destroy surface-to-air missiles.

“The F-35 of the future will be very different from the one we’re buying today,” Hinote said, as it will have far greater sensing and communicating capabilities to populate a combat cloud of data that all combatant commands will be able to “pull” from. He also said he believes allies should be trusted with far more data and intelligence than they are now, to help them do better in a coalition fight.

The F-35 will be key to creating the data sphere that unmanned aircraft, with artificial intelligence, will use to accomplish their missions, he said.

“Use humans to do what humans do best, and I have a feeling that’s going to change a lot of things,” he said.

Hinote also asserted that small companies—new entrants in defense—will be needed to build the numbers of unmanned aircraft the Air Force will need, with the traditional primes still having “a huge role to play” building “those very military-specific things that really only they can do.”

But the smaller vendors are “an incredibly interesting part of the industrial base” that can make platforms inexpensively with “the potential to produce large amounts of … unmanned aircraft, autonomous collaborative platforms,” Hinote said. “That would be a defense industrial base really worth building, and we’re hoping to see that.”

Air Force Fails Audit Again, Says It’s Made Progress

Air Force Fails Audit Again, Says It’s Made Progress

The Department of the Air Force once again failed its audit for fiscal 2021, but leaders say they’re making progress in cleaning up the department’s books, with hopes of a clean audit later this decade.

The independent public accounting firm Ernst & Young identified 19 major issues, classified as “material weaknesses,” that are preventing the Air Force from passing the audit. That’s down from 22 a year ago and 23 two years before that. The Air Force has been undergoing full financial audits for four consecutive years and has never passed.

“Now entering our fifth year under audit, DAF leadership is growing more eager to demonstrate to both Congress and the American taxpayer the full impact having a clean set of books can have on our mission,” Stephen R. Herrera, acting assistant secretary for financial management and comptroller, said in a statement. “So much so that, in FY21, we refined our approach that not only paved the way for a highly successful year, but set us up to sustain this momentum moving forward.”

Of the three major issues that came off the list this past year, two were downgraded, and one was resolved. In a letter written to accompany the financial report, Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall credited those improvements to the Air Force’s development of real-time tracking capabilities and master schedules.

“FY 2021 marked an important maturation point for the DAF’s audit efforts. The rollout of an Integrated Master Schedule is operationalizing our audit strategy and driving a methodical, disciplined approach to track progress and produce on-demand metrics that demonstrate risks, issues, and remediation requirements,” Kendall wrote.

The Air Force’s stated goal is to get a clean audit opinion on its General Fund by fiscal 2026 and for its Working Capital Fund by fiscal 2028. 

While full financial audits only began four years ago, the Air Force’s annual financial statements indicate that the department’s General Fund, which supports its core missions and overall operations, and Working Capital Fund, have not passed an audit for at least a decade now. Prior to fiscal 2017, these disclaimers were all based on the department’s financial records not conforming to standard accounting practices.  

The entire Pentagon failed its 2021 audit for the fourth consecutive year, the Defense Department announced Nov. 15, with eight out of 26 reporting entities obtaining unmodified audit opinions, the same number as last year. 

In 2020, department officials estimated that they would produce a clean audit by 2027. But this year, Michael J. McCord, undersecretary of defense (comptroller), sounded less certain about that timeline in a briefing with reporters.

“When we’re at this stage, where none of the three military departments have a clean opinion, for example, we’re not just close enough in my opinion to say that I know, for sure, it’s going to be 2027 or it’s not,” McCord said.