Air Force Secretary: No Excuse for Unresponsive, Slow IT

Jan. 28, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

A recent open letter by an Air Force employee demanding that the Pentagon upgrade its IT systems struck a chord with many on social media—and now, the Secretary of the Air Force has weighed in, saying the service has “got to be better” on the issue.

In a widely-shared LinkedIn post on Jan. 25, Michael Kanaan, the director of operations for the Air Force’s Artificial Intelligence Accelerator at MIT, reeled off a long litany of complaints about Defense Department IT, mostly centered on its sloth-like slowness. He ended each with a simple request: “Fix our computers.”

“I wrote an email the other day that took over an hour to send … I opened an Excel file today, my computer froze and needed to be restarted … I turned on my computer and it sat at 100 [percent] CPU usage,” Kanaan wrote of the problems he has faced.

At a virtual Coffee Talk event Jan. 27, Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall was asked for his thoughts on Kanaan’s letter.

“I haven’t seen as extreme conditions as were described in … [that] list,” Kendall said. “This is, if you haven’t heard it, it’s a long list of notional, to some degree, or anecdotal problems people have with our IT systems. And it’s very forcefully put,” Kendall said. “We’re certainly working those problems. And, as I mentioned earlier, giving our people the tools they need to do their jobs—in many cases, that’s their IT tools, so things that they use every day at their desks. So we’ve got to get better.”

Kanaan’s letter drew more than 1,700 reactions on LinkedIn and scores of comments from fellow DOD employees, with many echoing his observation that the Pentagon has lost “HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS of employee hours last year because computers don’t work.”

It was a complaint that was also acknowledged by the Air Force’s chief information officer, Lauren Barrett Knausenberger, in a written response to the post.

“Oh man,” wrote Knausenberger, “I echo your open plea to fund IT. It’s the foundation of our competitive advantage and also ensures every single person can maximize their time on mission.”

Knausenberger later told Air Force Magazine that “there’s just not enough money to fix it all at once. Everything is harder than it needs to be due to our legacy debt.”

Kendall also cited funding as an issue, but he quickly noted that didn’t make the current state of affairs acceptable.

“There are resource issues that affect that, there are things that we have to do to comply with certain requirements that affect that a little bit,” Kendall said. “But there’s really no excuse for not having IT that’s responsive and capable. So we get it, and we’re working on it.”

Kendall’s pledge was backed up by Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force JoAnne S. Bass, who added that Knausenberger has already been working on the issue.

“Folks always say like, ‘I wonder if they know?’ I assure you, we do because we do experience those same challenges, and it’s frustrating as heck that we have to do so,” Bass said. “What I will tell you is this is a complex issue on multiple fronts: networking, infrastructure, hardware, etc. Where my faith really is, is in our chief information officer. I’ve seen the strategy that she’s outlined myself and penned it to paper on, here’s what we have to get after. We’ll just have to work really hard to make sure that we’re able to budget for the foundation of what every single one of our Airmen and Guardians need.”

Pentagon Report: Air Force Should Work With Army, Navy on Hypersonic Best Practices

Jan. 28, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The Air Force should work closely with the Army, Navy, and Defense Department to identify best practices and share data as it looks to get its hypersonic missile program back on track, according to the recommendations of a new Pentagon report released Jan. 27.

The AGM-183A Air-launched Rapid Response Weapon is intended to be the Air Force’s first hypersonic weapon, deployed in the early 2020s. But over the course of 2021, the weapon failed three booster flight tests, raising fears that the program could be delayed.

An issue with a fin actuator led to the failure of the first booster flight test for the Air Force’s hypersonic missile, while the service continues to investigate what caused a second failure, the DOD’s Office of the Director of Operational Test & Evaluation revealed in its annual report.

The DOT&E report didn’t recommend that the Air Force revise its schedule for the program, but it did detail the unexpected “hardware and software” problems that caused problems for ARRW at multiple stages of testing in fiscal 2021.

First, the report noted, during captive carry flight tests, two unexpected events occurred, “which required a redesign of the fin control system.”

Those events delayed the first flight of ARRW, which then-Air Force acquisition czar Will Roper had predicted would happen before the end of 2020. Sources later told Air Force Magazine that the failure was caused by “dumb mistakes;” one reported that a technician failed to follow a checklist and another reported an improperly fastened control surface.

Then, when the first booster flight test finally occurred in April, the weapon did not even leave the wing of the B-52 carrying it, as was widely reported at the time.

The DOT&E report states that the missile “by design, did not separate from the B-52 because the system determined there was a fin actuator problem.”

That issue was fixed before a second flight test in July, and the missile did safely separate from the aircraft.

At that point, however, “an unexpected test event after release from the B-52 aircraft … prevented the booster motor from igniting, leading to a loss of the test asset,” the report states.

The report did not give a cause for the second failure, saying the Air Force is “currently conducting a Failure Review Board to determine the root cause(s) of the failure and implement corrective actions to the missile system before the next booster test flight.” The second test did demonstrate that the fin actuator issue from the first test has been resolved.

However, while the report only covered fiscal 2021, the program endured another setback in December, when a third booster flight test failed—as in the first test, an issue during the launch sequence prevented the missile from ever leaving the B-52, according to an Air Force statement.

The DOT&E report did offer three recommendations for the Air Force regarding ARRW:

Collaborate with the Office of the Secretary of Defense stakeholders and the Army and Navy hypersonic program offices to identify and leverage common best practices, test corridors and infrastructure, test data management and analyses, and modeling and simulation capability.
Verify, validate, and accredit all modeling and simulation tools intended to enable an adequate assessment of ARRW performance.
Conduct an adequate survivability assessment of ARRW in a cyber-contested environment.

The first recommendation comes at a point where the Army’s Long Range Hypersonic Weapon is set to fly “in the next year or two,” making it the Pentagon’s first hypersonic weapon, according to Gillian Bussey, director of DOD’s Joint Hypersonics Transition Office. The Navy’s Conventional Prompt Strike system, which uses the same glide body, should follow soon after.

Meanwhile, Air Force Brig. Gen. Heath A. Collins, program executive for weapons, said back in September that the ARRW program was still on pace to be in production by the end of 2022—if USAF was able to determine the cause of the second test failure and resume flight testing by the end of 2021.

Making Agile Combat Employment Real

Jan. 27, 2022 | By Matthew Donovan

Not since the Cold War with the USSR has the United States faced the specter of high-end conflict with a peer competitor. Therefore, it comes as no surprise that our nation’s defense sits at a strategic inflection point based on the advancing military threats presented by China and Russia.

Today, the global strategic environment is categorized by the reemergence of strategic competition—with now two near-peer competitors—who can operate across all domains of warfare and simultaneously employ all aspects of their national power. Like our other military branches, the Air Force faces these emerging challenges while fielding a force only half the size, following force reductions in the decades since the Cold War.

America’s ability to globally defend the nation and its allies is grounded in its ability to project combat power anywhere on the planet. In the past, this meant maintaining a robust global posture; however, fiscal constraints resulting in reduced force structure, coupled with advances in threat capabilities, present an increased vulnerability to U.S. overseas military assets. Furthermore, our adversaries have studied our force deployment and invested heavily in pervasive intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance and all-domain long-range offensive capabilities that put our global footprint at risk.

To counter this emerging threat, the Air Force introduced Agile Combat Employment as a method to rapidly deploy across dispersed operating locations within a theater without sacrificing combat capability. When employed, ACE enables Airmen to conduct operations faster and at higher levels of complexity, all from distributed locations. Using ACE concepts, combat assets would continue to move from location to location, exploiting opportunities to attack while keeping key assets out of harm’s way.

The Air Force is already demonstrating an initial ability to bring ACE to the battlespace by focusing on non-material solutions like developing Multi-Capable Airmen. However, to fully mature this concept requires attention to the core elements that enable ACE’s operational framework.

By coupling ready-now solutions with the latest technological innovations, the mission essential capabilities required to implement ACE could be significantly bolstered. The Air Force has an opportunity to reimagine how they generate combat missions from austere locations and design tailorable force packages to enable Airmen to quickly conduct operations from bare base airfields in key theaters.

So, what capabilities could the Air Force include in these agile and connected force packages to enable operating combat missions from dispersed locations? Fortunately, many of the fundamental technologies needed to make ACE real already exist. Through a combination of space-based early warning systems, over-the-horizon radars, passive wide-area surveillance systems, and low-band radars, industry can provide commanders the indications and warning capabilities they need to make decisions and take decisive action at a moment’s notice through communications packages that are mobile, survivable, secure, and sustainable across the electromagnetic spectrum.

We can help ensure commanders get the right information, in real time, by deploying mobile, resilient, and protected communications networks with minimal infrastructure requirements. Providing mobile access to the military’s Advanced Extremely High Frequency satellite communications network will be critical to closing this capability gap, as will the widespread adoption of other advanced communications technologies. Commanders need the ability to task their forces and provide a common operational picture in denied, disconnected, intermittent, or limited bandwidth environments.

In addition, currently existing directed energy systems represent a cost-effective base defense capability that can quickly transition to countering cruise and ballistic missile threats. Other investment areas include the indications and warning capability that is so critical, particularly in the Pacific theater, to immediately provide access to DOD networks in contested environments. Also currently available are autonomous and transportable Ground Controlled Approach (GCA) radar air traffic management systems, remote virtual air traffic control towers, and mobile precision approach and landing systems that can all be included as part of a support “kit” when establishing a dispersal base location.

ACE is the right strategic choice for the Air Force based on the two near-peer threats, but its feasibility hinges on continued material investment and closing known mission capability gaps to truly equip an agile forward deployed Air Force. Industry has clearly heard the call for action from Air Force senior leaders and is ready to bring our innovative capabilities to bear on meeting this 21st century challenge.

Matthew Donovan was Undersecretary of Defense for Personnel and Readiness, Acting Secretary of the Air Force, and Undersecretary of the Air Force during the Trump Administration. Today, he is vice president of requirements and capabilities at Raytheon Intelligence & Space, a unit of Raytheon Technologies that provides terminals that connect to the Pentagon’s AEHF network and the Air Traffic Navigation, Integration, and Coordination System, among other programs and systems.

F-15Es Deploy to Estonia to Aid NATO Air Policing Amid Russian Tensions

Jan. 27, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

Half a dozen U.S. Air Force F-15Es landed in Estonia on Jan. 26 to aid NATO’s enhanced air policing mission, as tensions in Eastern Europe continue to simmer over a potential Russian invasion of Ukraine.

While in Estonia, the American fighters will integrate with a detachment of Belgian F-16s, NATO Allied Air Command said in a press release. In addition to working on the enhanced air policing mission, they will also work with NATO allies in the Baltics to practice air-to-air and air-to-ground maneuvers, the release said.

The six F-15E Strike Eagles are assigned to the 4th Fighter Wing from Seymour Johnson Air Force Base, N.C, the Air Force noted in releasing photos of the fighters landing at Amari Air Base, Estonia.

The photos also showed Airmen from the 4th Fighter Wing and the 48th Fighter Wing from RAF Lakenheath, England, arriving in a C-130J on Jan. 24 to support the mission.

“Baltic and enhanced Air Policing are enduring NATO missions that deliver constant vigilance of Allied airspace and contribute to the Alliance’s collective defense posture,” Maj. Gen. Jörg Lebert, Chief of Staff of Headquarters Allied Air Command, said in a statement. “The additional aircraft will work closely with the current detachments to increase our readiness, build crucial interoperability, and underline the robust solidarity across the Alliance.”

NATO’s air policing mission is focused on monitoring for “airspace violations, suspicious air activity close to the alliance’s borders, or other kinds of unsafe air traffic,” with fighters being tasked to scramble in response to any threat.

Reuters, citing an official at Amari Air Base, reported that the U.S. fighters will be deployed “until the end of next week”—Feb. 4 or 5.

The deployment of the F-15Es comes just two weeks after the Air Force sent F-16s to Poland en route to Lithuania and Estonia to train with Eastern European allies on air policing. At the time, U.S. Air Forces in Europe stressed in a statement that the deployment was “long planned.”

Still, the deployments come at a time when any military activity in the region is sure to garner interest. Russia has maintained a troop presence of some 100,000 along the Ukrainian border for months now, with sophisticated air force and anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) capabilities that experts believe would allow for a swift invasion.

President Joe Biden has said he will not send any American troops to Ukraine itself, but Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III recently ordered 8,500 troops in the continental U.S. to prepare to deploy to Europe for a potential Ukraine contingency within five days. Biden has also sought to warn Russia off a potential invasion, threatening a “heavy price” for Russian President Vladimir Putin if he does so.

At the same time, NATO allies along the eastern flank have clamored for an increased U.S. presence in their countries—Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas, Lithuanian Prime Minister Ingrida Šimonytė, and Romanian President Klaus Iohannis have all indicated a willingness to host more troops in the past few months.

As Air Force Considers E-7A Buy, It Gets a Sneak Peek at Red Flag

Jan. 27, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

As the Air Force considers how and whether to proceed with a rapid acquisition of Boeing’s E-7A Wedgetail, the service will get an up-close-and-personal look at the airborne warning and control aircraft in the coming days.

An E-7A from the Royal Australian Air Force is participating in USAF’s latest Red Flag exercise at Nellis Air Force Base, Nev., Maj. Gen. Case A. Cunningham, commander of the Air Warfare Center, confirmed during an AFA Air and Space Warfighters in Action virtual seminar on Jan. 26.

“It’s a really fantastic opportunity to get to integrate and work closely with our key ally on what we all know is a critical and essential capability for the pacing challenges that we face in the Indo-Pacific theater, especially, but in other theaters as well,” Case said.

Maj. Gen. Case Cunningham, commander of the USAF Warfare Center; and Brig. Gen. Shawn Bratton, USSF commander of Space Training and Readiness Command, joins retired Lt. Gen. Bruce “Orville” Wright for an episode of the Air Force Association’s Air and Space Warfighters in Action on Jan. 26, 2022.

In particular, the Air Force will look to use the Red Flag, which kicked off Jan. 24 and runs until Feb. 11, as an opportunity to “really refine the tactics, techniques, and procedures that it means to work with F-35s and F-22s, for example, in the highly contested environment, as they work in collaboration with the E-7A,” Case said.

And the insight gained through this training won’t just help the Air Force learn how to better integrate and work alongside allies, Case said, “but also will feed into the lessons as we potentially look at bringing the E-7 capability to our own air force.”

The potential addition of the E-7A to replace the aging E-3 Sentry Airborne Warning and Control System, or AWACS, has emerged as a top priority of Air Force leadership in the past few months.

In September at the Air Force Association’s Air, Space & Cyber Conference, Chief of Staff Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr. called the E-7 a “good platform,” saying he had flown aboard multiple times and it would likely be ready much sooner than other options developed from scratch.

Gen. Kenneth S. Wilsbach, head of Pacific Air Forces, endorsed the E-7 as well, calling it “a proven capability” and saying he’s been impressed with its performance.

In October, the Air Force issued a business opportunity announcement asking Boeing to conduct “studies, analyses, and activities required to ascertain the current E-7A baseline configuration and determine what additional work would be necessary” to make the aircraft compatible with Air Force “configuration standards and mandates.”

Around the same time, Air Combat Command chief Gen. Mark D. Kelly noted that he needed a replacement to the E-3 “two years ago.”

Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall confirmed in December that the service is looking to buy the E-7A as a bridge system to a future space-based moving target indicator system, calling it one of his top priorities.

In addition to Australia, Turkey, South Korea, and the United Kingdom have all ordered E-7As as well.

Somalia Hopes to Reconstitute its Air Force with Renewed US Partnership

Jan. 27, 2022 | By Abraham Mahshie

AFRICAN AIR CHIEFS SYMPOSIUM, KIGALI, Rwanda—Somalia Air Force Brig. Gen. Sh Ali Mohamed Mohamud last sat in the cockpit of a Somali MiG fighter jet in March 1978.

His country’s civil war decimated the Air Force he joined at age 14 and has been part of for over 50 years. Ravaged by the al-Shabab terrorist group, Somalia now has no aircraft to fight back. Instead, the east African nation depends on the U.S. and African Union partners, but the 75-year-old Somali Air Chief hopes that with U.S. Air Force help Somalia can reconstitute what was once the most powerful Air Force in the Horn of Africa.

“The U.S. Air Force is starting now a cooperation. Before, we did not have any cooperation, Mohamud told Air Force Magazine on the sidelines of the African Air Chiefs Symposium in Kigali.

“No aircraft, no pilots, no technicians. We just secure our base,” he added.

Founded in 1954, the Somali Air Force once boasted MiG-17 and MiG-21 fighters. First a war with Ethiopia, which was backed by the Soviet Union, then civil war, led to the dissolution of the Air Force in 1991. Al-Shabab began to threaten the government and populace in the mid-2000s. The Somali Air Force was reconstituted in 2015.

Mohamud said U.S. Air Force manned and unmanned intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) platforms used the Baledogle Airbase northwest of Mogadishu day and night using their own instruments. The ISR flights were not cooperative in nature but based on access rights.

The counterterrorism ISR missions did not stop when former President Donald J. Trump ordered all American troops out of Somalia by January 2021. The U.S. had been using Baledogle for special forces operations and training of the elite Danab Brigade of Somali National Army commander forces.

U.S. Africa Command declined to comment on questions about intelligence operations and potential future plans with the Somali Air Force, but underscored the U.S. commitment to security in the region.

“Our support to our Somali partners and [the African Union Mission in Somalia] has continued,” AFRICOM spokesperson Navy Lt. Cmdr. Timothy S. Pietrack told Air Force Magazine in a statement. “While we repositioned forces in the region, AFRICOM continued to execute the counterterrorism missions.”

Mohamud affirmed that the ISR missions continued unabated despite the withdrawal of U.S. troops.

“They did not stop, but they reduced the people,” the air chief said. “They stopped the training of special forces, but always they fly.”

Training of the Danab went remote, with Kenya hosting additional U.S. troops and others deployed throughout the region. With trainers flying in from neighboring countries, however, follow-up opportunities were limited.

American troops have now returned to Mogadishu, Mohamud said, and a budding Air Force partnership is beginning anew.

The soft spoken, gray-haired Somali air chief said he hopes the U.S. will help the Somali Air Force with training, and eventually transport aircraft and helicopters.

“Number one is to train the people, pilots, technicians, air traffic controllers, navigators,” he said. “Then we have to have the machines.”

Mohamud cited transport aircraft as a first step in rehabilitating the Air Force.

“We need the air force to support the land force, to support the government, to assist when disasters happen,” he said. “To secure our airspace and sea.”

Off the coast of Somalia, piracy in the Gulf of Aden reached a fever pitch in 2008-2009, with hijackings along the busy maritime route that sometimes led to violence and often too high-priced ransoms paid out to criminal groups. Patrols by international partners have all but halted piracy, though Mohamud said illegal fishing is a new concern off the coast.

The al-Shabab threat to the population and state security persists.

“Al-Shabab we are fighting still, but we still have not eliminated al-Shabab,” Mohamud said of the ruthless Islamic terrorist organization that has kept the federal government weak. “They use land lines, and they attack our forces everywhere.”

The African Union mission in Somalia known as AMISOM aims to diminish the al-Shabab threat and gradually hand over security in Somalia to indigent forces.

The State Department has provided capacity-building to the so-called AMISOM TCC, or troop-contributing countries, which have included Uganda, Burundi, Djibouti, Kenya, Sierra Leone, and Ethiopia.

Still, Mohamud, dressed in a light blue shirt with navy blue wool beret embroidered with the Somali Air Force logo, and gold encrusted leaves on his shoulders, envisions a day when the Somali Air Force will lead the fight and be part of a joint effort to secure his homeland.

“If you have aircraft, you know how to fight al-Shabab,” he said.

“If you fight al-Shabab by the air and the land, you can eliminate them,” he continued. “We are starting from zero, from scratch. We need everything to grow. So, anything can help us.”

Space Force Plans Two New Exercises: Polaris Hammer and Black Skies

Jan. 26, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The Space Force will debut a new training exercise this year, aimed at improving the service’s command and control capabilities, the head of Space Training and Readiness Command said Jan. 26.

The event, called Polaris Hammer, will happen sometime this fall, Brig. Gen. Shawn N. Bratton said during an AFA Air and Space Warfighters in Action virtual seminar.

“We had a request before STARCOM even stood up to develop a command and control exercise for the Space Force, really geared at the ops center level—so what would be the AOC equivalents, or for us the [Combined Space Operations Center] out of Vandenberg [Space Force Base, Calif.] or the National Space Defense Center here in Colorado Springs,” Bratton said.

STARCOM officially stood up this past August, making it the newest of three field commands under the Space Force. And with only a few months under its belt, the new command has plenty of work to do to develop the training doctrines and exercises that will shape the new service branch, Bratton said.

“We’ll have our first go here in [2022], and see how that goes and if we’re meeting the training objectives,” Bratton said of Polaris Hammer. “And then, of course, we continue to support the combatant command tier one exercises, getting after that. But … we need to develop a little more of that on the service side, and from my seat, really … tease out the doctrine we need to gain and maintain space superiority.”

That won’t be the only exercise that STARCOM organizes in 2022, though. Bratton said the command is set to host an “initial planning conference” in the coming weeks for an exercise called Black Skies, intended to be a more focused version of the Space Flag exercise.

“We do an exercise today called Space Flag that is probably most akin to Red Flag, but it’s sort of got everything in it, and it tries to be everything to everybody,” Bratton said. “I think we’ll break that out into pieces over time, starting with [electronic warfare.]”

That’s not to say the Space Force won’t continue to run Space Flag exercises, Bratton added, but they hope to develop more specific exercises “modeled” after the Air Force’s Flag exercises.

“I think there’s nothing too creative going on here, but we replaced ‘Flag’ with ‘Sky,’ and I see the Space Force going down that road of Black Skies, Blue Skies, Red Skies exercises to get after the needs of those specific training audiences,” said Bratton.

The Air Force uses Red Flag exercises for aerial combat training, Black Flag exercises as a way to test large weapons and capabilities, and Blue Flag exercises to train participants at the operational level. It also hosts Silver Flag exercises, in which civil engineers practice operating in a contingency environment, and Green Flag, a pre-deployment exercise for Air Combat Command flying units to practice close-air support and precision-guided munitions delivery.

And just as the Space Force is looking to refine its command and control operational capabilities, the Air Force will likely look to refine its own Blue Flag exercises, said Maj. Gen. Case A. Cunningham, commander of the USAF Air Warfare Center.

“Recently, I’m sure many of you saw the news release on the lead wings that came from Air Combat Command,” Case said. “And as we look at what it means to be a lead wing in an Agile Combat Employment environment, at wing-level C2 and distributed C2 in the contested environment, the 505th [Command and Control Wing] is also supporting those efforts to more fully develop what those kind of war games will look like to support Agile Combat Employment and make sure we’re rapidly iterating the capabilities there as we continue to get at that.”

New F-35 Lot 15-17 Deal Hung Up on Inflation, COVID-19 Mitigation Costs

Jan. 26, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

Inflation estimates and COVID-19 mitigation costs are prolonging talks between Lockheed Martin and the F-35 Joint Program Office over prices for jets in Lots 15-17, company CEO James D. Taiclet told reporters Jan. 25. He also said the government is moving toward a five-year Performance-Based Logistics contract for the fighter, versus the three-year contract previously discussed.

The Lot 15-17 contract was expected to be inked between October and November 2021, JPO Director Lt. Gen. Eric T. Fick told reporters at the time, but sources have said the agreement may not be reached until March, or later.

Acting Chief Financial Officer John Mollard told reporters negotiations continue but “it’s proven more difficult than we expected to reach agreement on a cost baseline that incorporates the impacts that we see associated with our customer ordering fewer aircraft in Lots 15-17 than were ordered in the prior buys of 12-14.” He said the parties are also “struggling to come to mutual agreement on the impacts of global challenges that Lockheed Martin and our supply chain partners are experiencing, such as inflation and COVID-19.”

“We’ll continue to use a data-driven process for as long as it takes to reach agreement, based on what it’s actually going to cost to build these aircraft,” Mollard said. Both parties are working diligently “in good faith” to reach a deal, he added.

The company is “sticking to our economics,” Taiclet added, and “trying to make sure that our shareholders get an appropriate agreement … negotiated by our team.”

Lockheed aeronautics chief Gregory M. Ulmer said last year that prices for F-35s, which fell below $80 million per jet for the conventional takeoff model in Lots 12-14, would likely be higher in Lot 15-17 because the services are ordering fewer aircraft, and because the Block 4 model of the airplane has new capabilities that cost more.

Taiclet said Lockheed has made “great progress over the past year” in getting the F-35’s sustainment costs down. He said Lockheed, the Joint Program Office, the services and Pratt & Whitney “all realize we have a shared goal to reduce the cost per flight hour and improve the readiness rate of the jet and we’re all working together to do that.” He cited “some success” with “long lead-time spare part orders…through the system” that will put more parts “in the right place at the right time to reduce cost and improve the readiness rate.”

Lockheed has answered a request for proposal on a Performance-Based Logistic contract for the F-35 that focuses, “again, … on the supply chain side” and “less so the labor side.” This will involve better integration of planning for production and sustainment parts—earlier versions of the jet need different parts than those in the new-build aircraft. Taiclet said, “We did move it up with the program office to a five-year PBL” instead of the three-year plan that had been discussed previously.

“The bulk of the value will be in the parts flow, distribution, production, integration, etc.,” he said, adding, the company hopes to get the PBL negotiated “in the coming months or quarters.” Overall, “I think we’re really well on the road to having a much more coherent and integrated industry/customer/program office approach to sustainment.”

Mollard said there are now 753 F-35s in the field, and this will see a “compounded annual growth rate” of 15 percent. Flight hours on the F-35 are growing at 16 percent, he added.

The new plateau production rate of 156 F-35s a year is a consensus decision of Lockheed, its partners, and the JPO, Taiclet said.

“The last thing you want,” Mollard asserted, “is a sawtooth pattern, where you’re ramping up and ramping down.”

The company and the JPO “set a rate that we’re fairly comfortable will result in a production build tempo for the forseeable future,” Taiclet said.

“You have to invest in the capital phase for the peak” of that up-and-down cycle, he said, which is wasteful when there’s “overcapacity where the sawtooth trends down” and then new investment is needed “to bring it back up.”

Because the needs of the Air Force and Navy are “steady and reliable, 156 [aircraft] a year was the right investment level for Lockheed Martin and our supply base over time,” Taiclet said. It may trend up if international sales campaigns succeed in bringing in an expected 900 orders.

As far as a new engine for the F-35, the Block 4 version of which will require more power to meet requirements, Taiclet said he’s visited GE aviation and Pratt & Whitney and has seen their “impressive’ work on an adaptive-cycle engine that could fit the Lightning. Lockheed remains agnostic about which engine would be better, or if the Pentagon should simply go with an upgraded version of the F135 engine, which powers the fighter now.

“It’s up to the JPO, services, and the DOD” how to proceed with future F-35 power, he said. The situation is “evolving,” he said, toward a “wider-use case.”

55 Democrats Urge Biden to Adopt ‘No First Use’ Nuclear Policy

Jan. 26, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

A group of 55 Democratic lawmakers from the House and the Senate released a letter Jan. 26, urging President Joe Biden to declare a “no first use” policy for nuclear arms and to roll back the U.S.’s “reliance on nuclear weapons” in the Pentagon’s forthcoming Nuclear Posture Review.

The letter, spearheaded by Sens. Edward Markey (D-Mass.) and Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), and Reps. John Garamendi (D-Calif.) and Donald S. Beyer (D-Va.), called the NPR “a once-in-a-generation opportunity” to push for a reduction in nuclear arms.

To that end, the lawmakers encouraged Biden to:

Support diplomacy and negotiations with Russia and China;
“Declare that the sole purpose of nuclear weapons is to deter a nuclear attack on the United States and its allies, and that the United States will never use nuclear weapons first;”
Stop the deployment of the W76-2 low-yield Trident submarine warhead and the development of a new nuclear-armed sea launched cruise missile;
“Question the necessity of new nuclear weapons systems.”

The question of “no first use,” in particular, has been a hotly debated one over the past several months in the run-up to the release of the NPR. Biden previously has said the U.S. should move to a “sole purpose” policy, where American nuclear weapons are meant solely to deter nuclear use against the U.S. or its allies. Other Democratic politicians and advocates, however, have pushed for a “no first use” policy.

This past October, the Financial Times reported that U.S. allies, including the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan, and Australia, were lobbying Biden to reject a “no first use” policy, arguing that doing so would weaken deterrence against China and Russia.

Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.) and Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Ala.) referenced that lobbying in a recent statement urging Biden not to change the U.S.’s nuclear policy, noting that “allies across the globe joined a bipartisan chorus in Congress to urge the administration to take a wiser, more measured path.”

The new Nuclear Posture Review is expected to be released in the coming months, but media reports about it have already sparked concerns among both arms control advocates and those pushing for nuclear modernization.

On one hand, the Democratic lawmakers noted in their letter that a recent Associated Press report indicated that Biden’s plans to significantly revamp America’s nuclear weapons strategy have likely been cut back in the face of Russian and Chinese aggression.

On the other, Inhofe and Rogers, the top Republicans on the Senate and House Armed Services committees, issued their statement in response to a Politico report that Biden’s administration was considering canceling several nuclear weapon programs approved by former President Donald J. Trump.

This is not the first time Democrats in favor of reducing and restricting the use of nuclear weapons have publicly appealed to the President. In 2016, Markey, along with nine other Senators, sent a letter to then-President Barack Obama with many of the same requests, such as a “no first use” policy and a rollback of modernization efforts.

In this most recent letter, though, the lawmakers added that they find it “concerning” that the Defense Department has not agreed to “a comprehensive, independent study of whether to pursue the new Ground-Based Strategic Deterrent”—the Pentagon has tapped the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace to produce a report on the future of the ICBM program, but arms control advocates have said that effort does not go far enough.

Only one member of the Senate Armed Services Committee signed onto the letter—Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.). Four members of the House Armed Services Committee signed—Garamendi, Rep. Andrew Kim (D-N.J.), Rep. Sara Jacobs (D-Calif.), and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.).