Aviano F-16 Fighters Deploy to Croatia After Drone Crash

Aviano F-16 Fighters Deploy to Croatia After Drone Crash

March 18, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

A pair of F-16s deployed from Aviano Air Base, Italy, to Croatia on March 16, taking part in agile combat employment exercises and bolstering NATO’s southeastern flank, the Air Force announced.

The F-16 fighters’ arrival comes just a few days after a military drone crashed in the Croatian capital of Zagreb amid nearby war between Russia and Ukraine. Croatian officials say the drone had a bomb, but they have not determined whether it was Russian or Ukrainian. The incident has led Croatian leaders to criticize NATO for a perceived slow response.

On March 15, Newsweek reported that Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković said in a press conference that the U.S. would send the F-16s to “give support of Croatia’s security.”

A subsequent press release from U.S. Air Forces in Europe stated that the fighters would deploy to Croatia’s 91st Air Base at Pleso, just outside the capital.

“Our enduring alliances and partnerships throughout the European and African theaters have enabled our multi-capable Airmen to execute our mission as a dynamic coalition force,” Gen. Jeffrey L. Harrigian, USAFE-Air Forces Africa commander, said in a statement. “Directing our strategic capabilities from any number of forward locations builds a resilient force, ready to pivot and counter aggression anywhere at a moment’s notice.”

This marks just the latest deployment of fighters to Eastern Europe. In the lead-up to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, F-16s deployed to Romania, F-15s went to Poland, and F-35s landed in Germany. As the invasion first unfolded, F-35s from Germany were deployed to NATO’s eastern flank, including Romania. A B-52 also deployed to the region around the same time, as part of what USAFE called a “long-planned Bomber Task Force Europe mission over the Arctic and Baltic Sea regions.”

While President Joe Biden has repeatedly said the U.S. will not deploy forces into Ukraine to help them resist the Russian invasion, he has pledged to defend “every inch” of NATO territory. Croatia became a full NATO member in 2009.

Traditional ISR Aircraft Still Have ‘Value,’ Pentagon Intelligence Officials Say

Traditional ISR Aircraft Still Have ‘Value,’ Pentagon Intelligence Officials Say

March 18, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The Air Force has pushed to revamp its intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance operations in recent years, focusing on new capabilities such as space-based ISR and next-generation platforms capable of multiple roles and penetrating contested airspace.

Yet there still might be a role for older, legacy platforms to play in the ISR of the future, top Pentagon intelligence officials said March 17.

Those assurances from U.S. Cyber Command boss Gen. Paul M. Nakasone and Defense Intelligence Agency director Lt. Gen. Scott Berrier came under questioning from Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.), who focused particularly on the RC-135 as an airframe with more to offer the Air Force.

Bacon has more insight than most lawmakers into ISR. He flew both the EC-130H and RC-135 S/V/W for the Air Force, served as commander of the 55th Wing at Offutt Air Force Base in his state, and worked as director of ISR strategy, plans, doctrine, and force development.

And during a hearing before the House Armed Services intelligence and special operations subcommittee, Bacon took the opportunity to press Nakasone and Berrier on the usefulness of the RC-135, which has been flying since the 1970s.

“I flew in the RC-135s, you know, traditional ISR aircraft,” Bacon said. “There’s a push among some to go to all fifth-gen type of collection, capabilities, and penetrating ISR. But we know day in and day out, we do not penetrate China’s airspace, and we don’t penetrate Russia’s airspace. Right? So we still need some of that traditional ISR, because that’s what’s the bulk of our collection. So I guess my question is, are we keeping the right balance between the traditional ISR and penetrating ISR? And do you see a need to maintain some of these older platforms?”

Neither Nakasone nor Berrier offered any firm assurances on the RC-135 or other platforms. But they both expressed support for a broad range of ISR capabilities.

“With my Army hat on, coming out of the G2 job, there’s this balance between ISR in competition and ISR in conflict,” Berrier said. “And certainly, as we’re seeing this play out inside Ukraine, we would never fly those platforms into an envelope where they could get shot down or engaged. But certainly in competition, I think there is value for ISR platforms that can collect on the periphery and actually analyze and process that information.”

While ISR aircraft have been limited in where they can go since Russia began its invasion of Ukraine, those aircraft were in constant use in the lead-up to the invasion—flight trackers noted an E-8C JSTARS, an RC-135V and others flying in the region, presumably gathering intelligence. 

What exactly that means for the future of the fleet remains to be seen, but Nakasone said the there will be a need for airborne ISR to complement future capabilities.

“I would offer as the SIGINT functional manager for the defense intelligence establishment here, we need to have a variety of platforms, whether or not they’re from space, whether or not they’re airborne, whether or not they’re terrestrial,” Nakasone said—”all of these, obviously stitched together for a very, very complex and very, very important look on what our adversaries are doing in many parts of the world. So I know the Chief of Staff of the Air Force is looking at a number of different platforms. But you know, from my perspective, having a wide variety of these platforms is really important for us to do our mission.”

Biden Administration Considers Splitting NSA, CYBERCOM

Biden Administration Considers Splitting NSA, CYBERCOM

March 18, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

President Joe Biden’s administration and the Defense Department are looking at the possibility of splitting up control of U.S. Cyber Command and the National Security Agency, reviving a long-running debate over how the two organizations are led.

Since the stand-up of CYBERCOM in 2009, its commander has functioned in a dual-hat role as the director of the NSA, an arrangement meant to help the new combatant command get off the ground. Gen. Paul M. Nakasone currently holds both titles.

For years now, lawmakers, analysts, and DOD officials have debated when or even if to separate the two positions. In December 2020, then-President Donald Trump’s administration delivered a proposal to split the leadership roles, only for the plan to be rejected as officials said CYBERCOM had not met the conditions to do so required by law, according to The Washington Post.

The issue came up again March 17 in a hearing before the House Armed Services intelligence and special operations subcommittee, as Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) asked Ronald S. Moultrie, undersecretary of defense for intelligence and security, for his view on the potential change.

“I would say that from a Department of Defense perspective, we certainly recognize the value of the dual-hat role that Gen. Nakasone has played for the last four years and the role of Cyber Command and NSA over the last 12 years plus,” Moultrie said. 

“I believe that the dual hat will be looked at again, just by this administration, just to ensure that we understand what the value added is, but also what the impacts are. And so that discussion is still ongoing within the department today. We understand that there’s a sentiment on both sides to really not do any harm. But I believe that it will be looked at. I think it’ll be an objective look, and we’ll make sure we reach out to you, sir.”

Nakasone, for his part, called the proposed shift a “policy discussion” but acknowledged “that is still something that is being considered.” 

Having held his position for nearly four years, though, Nakasone did continue to endorse the dual-hat arrangement from an operational perspective.

“My best military advice, as it was when I first came in the job and after three-plus years in it, is the fact that through elections, through problems with Iran, through ransomware, and now with Russia-Ukraine, what the dual hat has allowed us to do has been able to take and be able to focus efforts from the National Security Agency and U.S. Cyber Command on very, very difficult problems: influence, ransomware, strategic competition in one domain—in cyberspace,” Nakasone said. “We both operate there, and being able to have action, being able to have unity of effort, and being able to have agility is what the dual hat has been able to allow me to do over the past three-plus years.”

Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) called Nakasone’s comments “a pretty good endorsement to me,” and Bacon, a former Air Force ISR commander, also strongly urged his colleagues to oppose changes to the current arrangement.

“These cyber teams—the core of them are NSA folks. So if you have two four-stars with different visions and different direction, I don’t see how you keep a unified direction for the cyber team,” said Bacon, who served in the Pentagon as director of ISR strategy, plans, doctrine and force development for the Air Force. “But that’s just my two cents being down at the O-5, O-6, O-7 level when I was in. I like the way it’s set up now.”

US Flexes Its Muscles in the Arctic as B-52s, F-22s Link Up Over Alaska

US Flexes Its Muscles in the Arctic as B-52s, F-22s Link Up Over Alaska

March 17, 2022 | By Amy Hudson

Eielson Air Force Base, Alaska—The U.S. flexed its military might in the Arctic region as Air Force B-52 bombers, F-22 fighters, KC-135 tankers, and an E-3 Sentry airborne warning and control system linked up over the southern coast of Alaska as part of the North American Aerospace Defense Command’s Operation Noble Defender on March 16.

The show of force is meant to send a strategic message to potential adversaries that the United States can project air power anytime, anywhere, and that it is ready and capable of defending the homeland. The demonstration comes during heightened tensions with Russia after its brutal attack on Ukraine, now going into its fourth week.

A KC-135 from the Alaska National Guard’s 168th Air Refueling Squadron launched from Eielson Air Force Base, flying south over the snow-covered Alaska Range to King Salmon, nearly 300 miles southwest of Anchorage. There the tanker refueled F-22 Raptors from Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson. After topping off, the Raptors flew off to practice intercepting two B-52 bombers from Barksdale Air Force Base, La., which were acting as adversary air during the operation; while an E-3 Sentry, also based out of JBER, circled overhead. After the training, the B-52s and F-22s made their way back to the KC-135, flying in formation over the Alaskan mountains behind the KC-135.

The F-22s and tanker linked up once more, flying in circles just 1,500 feet over the Navy’s USS Curtis Wilbur, an Arleigh Burke-class guided missile destroyer operating in the waters off the southern coast.  

“This was a really unique mission,” said Lt. Col. Jason Park, the mission director who served as the crew monitor during the flight. “Not often do we get down and work with the Navy that low. Oftentimes we meet with F-18s [to refuel], but rarely do we get down and work with destroyers.”

As crew monitor, Park served as an extra set of eyes providing additional situational awareness for the pilots, who were in constant communication with the bombers, fighters, AWACs, and Navy destroyer, while also navigating both mountainous terrain and low-level flight over water.

“The fact that we were able to send strategic messages to threat countries in a time when the overall situation worldwide is tenuous, at best, is pretty awesome,” said Tech. Sgt. Joseph Newbern, an operations intelligence analyst with the 168th, who also was on the flight. “The fact that we’re not only comfortable doing so, but we are capable, is something I would argue that a lot of these threat countries, a lot of our adversary countries, are not able to do at that level right now.”

A portion of the Alaska-based F-22s remain on alert 24 hours a day, 365 days a year, serving as the first line of defense against any Russian air assets that threaten the homeland or enter the Air Defense Identification Zone surrounding Alaska. Eielson’s tankers support that mission, but because they also continue to support other missions, the Air Force often brings in Guard members for one- or two-month tours to support the alert mission.

The March 16 aircrew included Guard members from Alaska, Wisconsin, and Alabama all working together.

“We’re very fluid, you know, people doing different missions, different jobs all the time,” said Tech. Sgt. Chatham Holt, a boom operator with the 168th Air Refueling Squadron. “Last week, I was flying a local mission where we were flying with P-8 Poseidons out over the Gulf of Alaska from down in Washington, and refueling and doing training missions with them. And, then we’re back here to the alert mission. So, we’re bouncing around a lot. Our guys are very busy.”

NORAD’s Operation Noble Defender is an air defense exercise that runs March 14-17, including a variety of Canadian and U.S. aircraft.

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Slovakia Ready to Provide S-300s and MiG-29s to Ukraine, Pending New Replacements

Slovakia Ready to Provide S-300s and MiG-29s to Ukraine, Pending New Replacements

March 17, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

Slovakia has agreed to provide its S-300 air defense systems and MiG-29s to Ukraine “immediately” if it can get “proper” replacements in a timely manner, Slovak defense minister Jaroslav Nad told reporters in a joint press conference with U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III on March 17. However, Austin said he had no agreement to announce.

Austin also reiterated U.S. opposition to creating a no-fly zone over Ukraine, and Nad said a number of NATO countries will up their defense spending beyond the target of two percent of their gross domestic product.

“We are willing” to provide what he called the “legacy” systems to Ukraine, Nad said. “We’re willing to do so immediately when we have a proper replacement,” he added. The S-300 is Slovakia’s only strategic air defense system, he said, and if Slovakia turned its gear over to Ukraine, this would “create a security gap in NATO.”

Nad also pointed out that his first duty is to defend Slovakia and its territory, indicating he’s not willing to simply transfer the equipment without a replacement in hand.

“We’re in discussions. There are no public comments to make as of now,” he said, but he indicated that a temporary deployment of some other country’s air defenses might be acceptable while Slovakia waits for whatever it will replace the systems with.

“Should there be a situation that we have a proper replacement, or, we have a capability guarantee for a certain period of time, then we would be willing to discuss the future of the S-300 system,” he said.

Austin, asked to comment, said, “I don’t have any announcements for you this afternoon. These are things that we will continue to work on with all of our allies, and certainly this is not just a U.S. issue—it’s a NATO issue.” He said it’s a topic on which “we will engage a number of allies and partners … in terms of what they’re able to do and what would be required for backfill.” Those discussions are ongoing, he said.

Austin thanked Nad for Slovakia’s willingness to host additional NATO forces. Those forces will be protected by a battery of Patriot air defense systems. Slovakia has just one S-300 battery.

Radovan Javorcik, Slovakia’s Ambassador to the U.S., told Air Force Magazine that his government has agreed to allow the NATO unit to stay on rotations of six months, but these “can extend for one year,” and the Patriots would stay with them during that period.

Nad said the two countries are also discussing “various options for how to fill in this gap” if it also decides “not to use MiG-29s anymore” and to send those aircraft to Ukraine. Slovakia is set to receive 14 new F-16 Block 70 fighters, but the delivery of those jets has been delayed a year, from 2023 to 2024.

Javorcik said the MiG-29s will be phased out in October 2023, regardless of whether the new jets are available.

“Even if Norway were to send” their retiring F-16s right away—one of many puts and takes NATO has discussed to beef up the Eastern flank—Slovakia is still not yet ready to do more than basic maintenance for them, Javorcik said. The F-16 “ecosystem” still has to be developed in Slovakia, he said.

“The new F-16s will not come earlier than … late ‘23, early ’24,” he noted, “So we need to talk to everybody, to all allies,” about how to cover Slovakia’s air defense needs during the interim.

Asked about establishing a No-Fly Zone over Ukraine, Austin reiterated President Biden’s comments that such an arrangement would by definition put NATO into a direct “fight” with Russia, given that ground-launched missile systems and aircraft that launch missiles over Russia would be targets.

“There is no such thing as a no-fly-zone ‘lite,’” he asserted.

“In order to control the skies, you have to shut down the air defenses,” Austin said. “They’re on the ground. And some of those air defense systems are in Russia. And so, again, there’s no easy or simple way to do this. … A no-fly zone means that you’re in a conflict with Russia. So from a U.S. perspective … our position remains that we’re not going to do that.”

Austin said Russia is “using a lot of rockets and missiles and artillery” against Ukraine, and “there are a number of things that can be used to counter that. We’ve seen that the drones have been … very effective. We’ve also seen having the ability to conduct counter-fire with rockets and artillery is also very effective. And so I think increasingly we’ll see the Ukrainian forces turn to those methods to counter that.” A no-fly zone, he said, would not have solved that problem nor the threat from cruise missiles launched from inside Russia.

Nad said that during the NATO ministerial meeting in Belgium, Slovakia agreed to spend more than NATO’s agreed target of two percent of GDP on defense. That “should be just a base” amount, he said, indicating Slovakia’s spending will likely be about as much as Poland and other Baltic NATO countries have committed to, which is about 2.5 percent of GDP.

“I can confirm” that a number of NATO countries have readjusted their planned spending to three percent of GDP, he said.

The “enhanced forward presence troops” that will be deployed to Slovakia “in the upcoming days” will will “provide something that we are lacking here in Slovakia, and they will strengthen our defense and they will strengthen it in a significant way,” Nad said.

He and Austin broadly discussed the “modernization of the Slovak armed forces,” which includes building a new mechanized brigade “and other capabilities.”

Slovakia shares about a 60-mile border with Ukraine, to its east.  

Austin said part of the reason for his visit was to demonstrate NATO unity and solidarity with Ukraine. The discussions about the S-300 and MiG-29s indicate that the alliance is “working urgently” to help Ukraine defend itself, he said.

“Our commitment to Article 5 is ironclad,” Austin added, referring to the NATO clause that an attack on one member is considered an attack on all. “We sought additional U.S. forces to reinforce our NATO allies. And we have more on call, ready to go if NATO activates its response forces.”

Austin was asked if Russia’s attacks on Ukraine constitute war crimes, and if so, whether that requires a change in U.S. posture.

“Certainly, we’ve all been shocked by the brutality that we continue to witness, day in and day out,” Austin answered. “Purposely” targeting civilians “is a crime,” he said.

“These actions are under review by our State Department,” he added, and there’s a process underway to examine the situation and whether it demands a change.

In the meantime, “we call upon Mr. Putin to cease these horrible actions. Again, these are civilians and not combatants, and so they should not be targeted.”

New Details on Space Force PT Plan—Plus How the ‘Digital Community’ Could Look

New Details on Space Force PT Plan—Plus How the ‘Digital Community’ Could Look

March 17, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The Space Force plans to officially implement a new “three-part fitness program” as its replacement for conventional PT testing by 2023, preceded by a yearlong “beta” phase in which Guardians will be able to evaluate the program, the service announced in a memo sent to service members on March 16.

The memo, signed by deputy chief of space operations for personnel Patricia Mulcahy, offers new details on the Space Force’s approach to fitness, which leaders have promised will be holistic, moving away from annual PT tests.

In the meantime, Guardians will have to complete one more “diagnostic fitness assessment” based on the Department of the Air Force’s Physical Fitness Program before the end of 2022. These assessments won’t be used to determine retention or promotion eligibility or as a basis for any sort of punishment, the memo states.

Meanwhile, the new program “promotes physical activity, lifestyle/performance medicine principles, and increased education and awareness to ensure all Guardians are mentally and physically prepared to perform.” It will use “wearable technology and a software solution paired with fitness/workout regimes and preventative health practices.”

The use of wearable fitness trackers has been hinted at before—top-level Guardians including Brig. Gen. Shawn N. Bratton, commander of Space Training and Readiness Command, STARCOM senior enlisted leader Chief Master Sgt. James P. Seballes, Chief of Space Operations Gen. John W. “Jay” Raymond, and Chief Master Sergeant of the Space Force Roger A. Towberman have all participated in a pilot program in which they wore rings to track things such as heart rate and sleep.

On the software solution front, the Space Force has signed a contract with fitness platform FitRankings “to create a digital community to connect fitness wearables,” according to a company press release.

FitRankings, based out of Austin, Texas, allows users to record their workouts on a personal profile and connect with other users in their community. USA Cycling, USA Triathlon, Under Armour, and grocery store chain H-E-B have all used the platform.

An example of a typical FitRankings user profile. Courtesy of FitRankings

“We agnostically connect to all of the latest wearables and fitness apps, wherever the market goes,” FitRankings CEO Patrick Hitchins told Air Force Magazine. “I think the military and DOD has probably looked at this space and probably struggled with the idea that, ‘well, do we have to go out and buy everyone a Garmin?’ And really, I think that’s the old school mentality for the military, like, ‘Hey, let’s go out and buy hardware.’ 

“What’s refreshing here in working with the Space Force and their senior leadership is they understand the need to actually invest in the software and platform first, and then the intent is to actually provide choice architecture to the Guardian to pick the wearable that they may want. But again, we connect to all of that.”

In addition to importing data from across a broad array of apps and trackers, FitRankings also has a way for organizations to standardize that data—to be able to give credit to users for a broad range of exercises. 

MET minutes, or METs, calculate the intensity of an activity compared to a person’s resting state—the more intense the physical exertion, the more MET minutes. Using guidelines from the CDC, FitRankings incorporates MET minutes into its platforms, Hitchins said.

“What we’re working on is basically a way to take any activity, convert it to a universal metric called a MET minute, and then say, ‘Hey, we don’t care what type of activity you do. As long as you complete X number of MET minutes per week, you’re meeting a standard,’” Hitchins said. “Now, that’s still very TBD on what that looks like for the Space Force, and you can ask them, but I will say it’s a major base function of our platform.”

The Space Force has yet to say whether it will use MET minutes as a universal standard or what kinds of exercises it will require Guardians to do, if any, but leaders have indicated they want to take a more expansive approach than the standard aerobic run, sit-ups, and pushups that has defined the Air Force physical fitness program for decades—even the Air Force has shifted from that approach recently, introducing alternate exercises Airmen can perform as part of their PT test.

“The fact is the Air Force physical fitness program, I believe, dates back to 1947. And you can see the types of planes that were flown in 1947 and what we’re doing now, but by and large, the physical fitness program being around a once- or twice-a-year test, depending on the branch of the military, has not changed greatly,” Hitchins noted.

“I really feel like when I listened to the leadership of the Space Force, they understand that the human weapon system is the most important weapons system in the force. And really, I’m not going to speak on their behalf … but my feeling here is that the Space Force is really a new force trying to break with this model of a once-a-year, twice-a-year fitness test, to be a force of the future.”

Through FitRankings, organizations can start “challenges” in which groups or individuals can compete head-to-head to accomplish certain fitness goals. The platform also allows for users to publicly share their workouts and connect with other users, encouraging a “culture of fitness.” At the same time, users can adjust their profiles to remain publicly anonymous, to promote positivity and discourage public shaming.

At the same time, managers can have access to dashboards that show varying levels of data on the people they are supervising. The extent of that data can be adjusted to show only group-level totals or provide a general assessment of an individual’s fitness level—Towberman has raised the possibility that a Guardian’s wellness may be designated green, amber, or red “so that the chain of command and the Guardian know where they’re sitting all the time with regard to readiness.”

An example of an administrator/manager’s dashboard for USA Triathlon, another FitRankings client. Courtesy of FitRankings

Such a system may provide a more comprehensive overview than a yearly test, but it may also raise some concerns over privacy and sensitive data.

“For sure, it’s important,” Towberman said of privacy concerns. “Also, it’s sort of in the conditions of employment on the team, right? So as long as you understand what you’re getting into, I think you’ve got a lot less concern. We’re already using this type of technology in other communities where the desire to be in that community is strong enough to say, ‘Hey, I’ll let you know what my heart rate is every morning because I want to be part of this team.’ So I think there’s some of that, but really, this is pretty simple stuff. This is red light, yellow light, green light.”

Towberman added that the data the Space Force will track will be relatively broad, not honing in on Guardians’ specific habits.

That’s in line with what Hitchins believes is necessary to ensure buy-in from users.

“If you roll something out, and you’re saying, ‘Hey, guess what, connect up your Garmin or your Apple or your Oura ring, and now we’re just going to be watching you and tracking you,’ no one’s going to like that,” Hitchins said. “So the final part of my conversations is, how to create culture around this data that benefits the end user—the Soldier, the Guardian, etc.”

Former Vice Chief Hyten Joins Commission Studying Strategic Posture

Former Vice Chief Hyten Joins Commission Studying Strategic Posture

March 17, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

Retired Air Force Gen. John E. Hyten, former Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, will join a commission mandated by the 2022 National Defense Authorization Act looking into the U.S.’s nuclear policies and strategic posture, lawmakers announced March 16.

Hyten’s membership in the 12-person commission will mark one of his first public actions since retiring from the Vice Chairman position this past November. He was succeeded by Navy Adm. Christopher W. Grady.

The commission, as detailed in the 2022 NDAA, will be tasked with conducting “a review of the strategic posture of the United States, including a strategic threat assessment and a detailed review of nuclear weapons policy, strategy, and force structure and factors affecting the strategic stability of near-peer competitors of the United States,” the law states.

As part of that review, the commission will assess the current strategic posture and recommend the best posture moving forward and “the extent to which capabilities other than nuclear weapons can contribute to or detract from strategic stability.”

The commission will also issue a report and brief Congress on its findings no later than Dec. 31, 2022.

Prior to serving as Vice Chairman, Hyten commanded U.S. Strategic Command, overseeing the nation’s nuclear arsenal from 2016 to 2019. In that role, he watched as China rapidly modernized its own nuclear arsenal, building fields of intercontinental ballistic missile silos at a breakneck pace.

That construction wasn’t publicly revealed until 2021, but Hyten said it had previously been a top U.S. secret and demonstrated that “when you have a competitor like China—and Russia—that can move fast, you have to be able to move fast as well. And we still move way too slow.”  

Hyten was picked for the commission by Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.), chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Hyten will be joined by seven other individuals selected by the chairs and ranking members of the Senate and House Armed Services Committees, jointly announced March 16.

Several of those individuals will also be former Pentagon and State Department officials, including:

  • Leonor Tomero, who briefly served as deputy assistant secretary of defense for nuclear and missile defense policy before her position was eliminated in the fall of 2021 in a DOD reorganization that raised some eyebrows in Congress. Tomero was selected by Rep. Adam Smith (D-Wash.).
  • Madelyn Creedon, who worked both in the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) and as assistant secretary of defense for global strategic affairs, was selected by Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.).
  • Former Sen. John Kyl of Arizona, selected by Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.).
  • Lisa Gordon-Hagerty, who previously served as administrator of the NNSA and undersecretary for nuclear security at the Department of Energy, selected by Inhofe.
  • Rose Gottemoeller, a former undersecretary for arms control and international security, selected by Smith.
  • Marshall S. Billingslea, who most recently served as the special presidential envoy for arms control, holding the rank of ambassador. Billingslea has also worked as deputy undersecretary of the Navy and assistant secretary general for defense investment at NATO. He was selected by Rep. Mike Rogers (R-Ala.).
  • Rebeccah L. Heinrichs, a senior fellow at Hudson Institute specializing in U.S. national defense policy with a focus on strategic deterrence. Heinrichs was also picked by Rogers.
Zelensky Appeals for a No-Fly Zone, but Biden Pledges Only More Aid

Zelensky Appeals for a No-Fly Zone, but Biden Pledges Only More Aid

March 16, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak, Abraham Mahshie and Greg Hadley

Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky made an emotional pitch directly to a joint session of Congress on March 16 to establish a no-fly zone over his beleaguered nation, but U.S. President Joe Biden, speaking a few hours later, declined to answer that request. Biden instead touted the more than $1 billion in aid for Ukraine appropriated in the past week and pledged a steady flow of other kinds of weapons and assistance for Ukrainians to fight their own fight.

Zelensky, appearing in a live video message, begged Biden to be “not only the leader of the free world” but also “the leader of peace,” and he asked for Russian-made S-300 air defense systems, new aircraft, and the no-fly zone.

“Is this too much to ask? … For a … humanitarian no-fly zone?” Zelensky said. “If it is, we offer an alternative. You know what kind of systems we need: S-300 and other similar systems.” He also asked for “aircraft that can help Ukraine … but they are on the ground, not in the Ukrainian sky.”

The U.S. does not have any Russian-made S-300 systems to offer, but Biden said that, at Zelensky’s request, “we have identified, and are helping Ukraine acquire, additional longer-range anti-aircraft systems and munitions for those systems.” Pentagon and diplomatic sources said discussions are taking place about transferring some S-300s from NATO countries that still have them, to be backfilled by American systems or other compensation.

Slovakia has S-300s and MiG-29s but won’t give them up until it has replacements in hand.

Slovak Ambassador to the U.S. Radovan Javorcik told Air Force Magazine that discussions are underway between Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III and Slovak defense minister Jaroslav Nad about ways Slovakia can support Ukraine without undercutting its own defense needs.

“This is the largest military operation ever for Slovakia,” said Javorcik, describing the logistical effort to provide lethal and non-lethal aid to Ukraine. 

“We’re … emptying our own warehouses in Slovakia and providing the Ukrainians with air defense [and] land-based things which can they use,” he said.

Across their common border, Slovakia has provided Ukraine with ammunition, rockets, rocket launchers, anti-tank and anti-missile systems, man-portable anti-aircraft missiles, de-mining equipment, and fuel for Ukraine’s air and ground vehicles.

To help backfill Slovakia’s air defenses, the Netherlands announced March 8 that it would deploy a Patriot air defense system there, but the system likely won’t be in place until April. Slovak pilots are training in the American F-16, but it won’t take delivery of those jets until next year.

Poland, which has done the most to facilitate weapons transfers to Ukraine, doesn’t have S-300s but does have Russian-made SA-8s and SA-12s.

The U.S. recently repositioned two Patriot missile defense systems from Germany to Poland to provide greater protection.

Asked if Poland would be willing to send its Russian air defense systems across the border, a Polish defense official said, “If those Patriot Systems stay permanently, certainly our [ministry of defense] can consider doing more.”

“It is easy to give [the] ‘green light,’ but this is something we have to do jointly,” the official added. “Poland is not shying away from doing its part.”

Quoting Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I have a dream” speech, Zelensky told Congress, “I have a dream … to protect Ukrainian skies.”

Midway through his speech, Zelensky showed a video of still and moving images, first of Ukrainians in idyllic, pastoral, and family settings, suddenly offset by graphic images of missile attacks, dead bodies, burning homes, morgues, and refugees. He invoked Pearl Harbor and Sept. 11, 2001, saying that what America experienced on those days, Ukraine is experiencing every day.

The video was capped by the words, in English, “Close the sky over Ukraine.”

He also said that Ukraine is singularly shouldering a bloody fight for democracy and against autocracy and evil, and that all freedom-loving nations must come to its aid.

Zelensky offered profuse thanks for aid from America and other nations thus far but said that “it is not enough” and that his country can’t hold out indefinitely. He also demanded that new sanctions be introduced against Russia weekly; and that no Russian products should be allowed to enter American ports. His speech was greeted with three separate standing ovations from assembled lawmakers.

Biden praised the bravery of the Ukrainians and Zelensky personally, and promised the U.S would do all it could. America “is determined to make Putin pay a heavy price” for the invasion, he said. Economic sanctions on Russia will “only get more painful over time,” Biden said, noting that Russia’s economy is nearing collapse and that America is focused on “making sure Ukraine will never—never—be a victory for Putin.” 

To that end, Biden said the U.S. has been providing weapons since last March and that the Ukrainians had them in hand when the invasion began. Over the past year, the U.S. has provided Kyiv with “hundreds of anti-air systems, thousands of anti-tank weapons, transport helicopters, high mobility vehicles, radar systems to track incoming artillery, and unmanned drones” as well as communications and satellite imagery analysis capability.

The U.S. has provided “9,000 anti-armor systems,” Biden said. “These are portable, high-accuracy, shoulder-mounted missiles that the Ukrainian forces have been using with great effect against invading tanks and armored vehicles.” Another 7,000 small arms have been provided—automatic rifles, shotguns, grenade launchers, and mortar rounds—as well as “20 million rounds in total” of ammunition.

Future assistance “will include drones, which demonstrates our commitment to sending our most cutting-edge systems to Ukraine for its defense,” Biden pledged. He did not name the unmanned systems to be sent. A White House fact sheet specified that “100 tactical unmanned aircraft” will be provided.

Ukraine does not have any American-made, remotely-piloted aircraft. Military experts later wondered if Biden meant he would send Ukraine more Turkish Bayraktar TB-2 drones, which the Ukrainians already have and have used productively, both in surveillance and target-designation mode.

Addressing himself to U.S. citizens, Biden said, “I want to be honest with you: This could be a long and difficult battle. But the American people will be steadfast in our support of the people of Ukraine in the face of Putin’s immoral, unethical attacks on the population. We are united in our abhorrence of Putin’s depraved onslaught.” He promised that the U.S. will “continue to have their backs” as Ukrainians fight to preserve their nation and freedom. He also pledged another $300 million in humanitarian assistance for the three million Ukrainian refugees now in other NATO countries; and thanked the allies and partners for both taking in the refugees and for “facilitating” the supply of materiel to Ukraine.

Lawmakers came away from Zelensky’s speech impressed and anxious to help.

“We must keep them in the fight,” said Rep. Ann Wagner (R-Mo.). Providing MiG-29s “that they have been requesting for some time is no different” than the aid and weaponry the U.S. has already provided, she said. “We must work with Poland to make that happen.”

 Rep. Albio Spires (D-N.J.) said he’s “frustrated” and doesn’t understand “why people are so afraid to go against” Putin. Zelensky is “the only guy that’s giving Putin a black eye.” Given Russia’s annexation of Crimea, land grabs in Georgia, and intervention in Syria, “we need to support Zelensky as much as we can to punch [Putin] out and realize he can’t do this to the people of the world.” Sires said he’d support “any kind of effort” to support Ukraine.

The Foreign Affairs Committee “will be looking at … authorization of use of military force” in Europe, said Rep. Bill Keating (D-Mass.).

Rep. Mike Rogers, House Armed Services ranking member, said that although Zelensky was addressing Congress, the White House was his intended audience.

“I call on President Biden to stop staring at the problem and provide the capabilities President Zelensky specifically asked for,” Rogers said. These include air defenses like the S-300s and unmanned aerial systems, such as multiple variants of the Switchblade UAS. I want to see the Biden administration get Ukraine these weapon systems immediately.”

A No-Fly Zone Isn’t an Umbrella—It’s War, Former Northern Watch Commander Says

A No-Fly Zone Isn’t an Umbrella—It’s War, Former Northern Watch Commander Says

March 16, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

A no-fly zone is neither a simple nor a risk-free approach to helping Ukraine, according to retired Lt. Gen. David A. Deptula, dean of AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies and a former commander of the Northern Watch no-fly zone over Iraq.

Deptula said he heard nothing new from either Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky or U.S. President Joe Biden on a no-fly zone over Ukraine in their March 16 speeches but pointed out that such a thing is “not some magical way to disperse an enemy without bloodshed.” A no-fly zone is war, he said.

It’s “full-on, direct and sustained combat with enemy forces,” he asserted. Those glibly proposing it likely don’t really appreciate what’s involved, he added.

A no-fly zone would require the answers to myriad questions that have scarcely been asked, let alone answered, Deptula said. What would be the rules of engagement? Would only Russian aircraft be targeted? Could they be targeted only over Ukraine, or over Russia, from where they could launch their missiles at ground targets?

“You have to define … the end state,” he said. “What’s the desired outcome?” Who would be the authority deciding what to shoot and what not to shoot? Would Russian aircraft on the ground be a fair target? What about search and track radars? Pilots, he said, are permitted under the Geneva Convention to defend themselves if fired upon, or if they detect preparations to shoot at them.

Would helicopters be fair game? What about cruise missiles launched from outside Ukrainian airspace? 

“And who’s in charge?” Deptula wondered. “The Ukrainian military? NATO? The individual air forces? Because every air force in this coalition is probably going to have different rules of engagement.”

During operations Northern and Southern Watch, Deptula noted, coalition pilots rarely shot at airborne enemy aircraft, but, when fired upon or radar-painted from the ground, the riposte—not always the same day—would be to destroy surface-to-air missile sites, tracking radars, artillery sites, command and control targets, and others. The Iraq no-fly zone was not a “24/7, 365” affair but more frequently three or four days a week of patrols, he said.

Accompanying the fighters would have to be an armada of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance aircraft, command and control aircraft, sensor aircraft, communications planes, and aerial tankers, among others, he noted. Using all that against Russian airplanes would likely be, as Biden has previously said, engaging in World War III.

The summary question, Deptula asserted, is, “Where does it stop?”

All that said, Putin, “like all bullies,” will not stop unless the European nations and NATO stand up to him, Deptula argued. Deptula is in favor of ex-Warsaw Pact/now NATO countries providing their Russian-made aircraft and munitions to Ukraine. It would be very much like “Lend Lease” in World War II, he said, and a fair way to help Ukraine defend itself. He sees little distinction between massive lethal aid in the form of small arms, anti-tank missiles, and anti-aircraft systems and the larger gear.

The State Department clamped down on Poland’s offer to transfer its Russian-made gear to Ukraine because of Poland’s awkward wording of the offer, making the aircraft seem to come from the U.S., Deptula speculated. The offer came after Secretary of State Antony Blinken explicitly gave Poland the “green light” to make it, and Deptula thinks the idea’s not dead, yet.

“It could have been done quietly,” he said. But it still could be done.

“It’s not a silver bullet,” he said, and will not suddenly give Ukraine a victory, but “it will assist them in sustaining their aircraft,” even if the Polish MiGs are just used for parts.

“If they just use them to keep the aircraft they have in service, that’s helpful,” he said.