Watch, Read: The Right Mix of Munitions for Tomorrow’s Wars

Watch, Read: The Right Mix of Munitions for Tomorrow’s Wars

Retired Maj. Gen. Larry Stutzreim, director of research at the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies, hosts John D. Corley, ordnance sciences core technical competencies lead, Air Force Research Laboratory and the Mitchell Institute’s dean, retired Lt. Gen. David A. Deptula, and director of future concepts and capability assessments, retired Col. Mark Gunzinger. Watch the video or read the transcript below. This transcript is made possible through the sponsorship of JobsOhio.

Retired Maj. Gen. Larry Stutzreim: I’m Larry Stutzreim, retired major general, Air Force, and I’m director of research at the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies. And today we’re going to talk about the munitions of tomorrow. We’ll be discussing the need for a cost-effective mix of precision-guided munitions to meet the work time demands of near-peer conflict. I have to echo the words of Air Combat Command commander, [Gen.] Mark Kelly. He said something from last September—that we’re not going to be a fifth-generation Air Force until its fifth-generation fighters have picked fifth-generation weapons and fifth-generation sensing.

Well, the same holds true for our bombers. And while we made a lot of headway and aircraft types like the F-35, and the B-21, we need to arm them for success.

On top of this, we lack a deep bench of stores for them to be successful when it comes to key weapons. We’ve also sized the munitions industrial complex to lack ability to surge production in time of need, especially in some of the more exquisite systems that we’ll need in large numbers when the shooting starts.

This all adds up to the conclusion that it’s time to have a concerted focus on munitions. So we will, so let me introduce our panel.

First, I’d like to welcome Lieutenant General Dave Deptula, also from the Air Force, retired. He’s our dean at the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies. I’ve worked for him for the last 20 years on and off and those of us who have worked for him refer to him as the avenging angel of airpower. And he is.

And we also have with us from Mitchell Institute my friend here, Mark “Gonzo” Gunzinger. He’s the bombastic Big Bopper of the bomber, flying the B-52. But later in his career, both in the military and as a civil servant, he became deeply involved in policy and planning. He was a deputy assistant [unintelligible] for force planning.

And then we have to my far left here we have Dr. John Corley. He’s lead for ordnance science at AFRL Munitions Directorate. And you might refer to him as Mr. Peabody and Sherman of things that go boom, there we go. Yeah, okay. And a piece of history that’s interesting about him is back in Desert Storm, he’s the man that brought GBU 28 across the finish line.

John D. Corley: One of many.

Stutzreim: That was the, for you youngsters, that was the bunker buster that brought Saddam Hussein to his knees. So we’ve got a distinguished panel. And of course, Gonzo Gunzinger has done recently a report about the need to have the right cost-effective mix of precision-guided munitions to meet the future demands of conflict. And Gonzo, I’m going to ask you to give a short summary of your findings of that report and then I’d like to offer general deputy and Dr. Corley, make some opening comment.

Retired Col. Mark Gunzinger: Hey, thanks for coming. I really appreciate you showing up on this critically important topic. I’ve been engaged in examinations requirements for whole probably 20 years in the Air Force, and then the office of the Secretary of Defense where I had oversight of that portfolio for Secretary [Robert] Gates. So in talking about future requirements, it’s always important to ground them in our strategy, our national defense strategy. Our strategy requires the services. First slide.

To size your forces to defeat a pear adversary’s invasion of an area that they seek to dominate, much as we’re seeing right now in Ukraine, now that’s going to require our forces to go on the offensive within hours—not wait weeks—to build up a force structure in theater before kicking off a campaign.

Of course, by then China or Russia will have achieved their objectives. And that means that aerospace power will be the predominant means to rapidly respond from inside and outside of theater to strike those thousands of targets in hundreds of hours. They’re needed to blunt an invasion.

Next slide. That said, it’s well known that our PGM inventory has been sized in the past for lesser regional conflicts. And DoD has chronically underfunded its weapons programs. And undersized PGM inventory means our forces may not have the weapons they need for a high-intensity conflict, especially one that is not short, sharp. Now this example shows our Air Force could quickly expand it’s in theater JASSMs and LRASMs on the residence in an operation to blunt invasion of Taiwan. But the real question is, if you looked at the chart, what kind of weapons would they have to use after day 12 or 13? Have that kind of campaign as using non-stealth, non-survivable weapons would decrease the effectiveness of our strikes. And going back to relying on direct attack weapons like we’ve used in Iraq or Syria and Afghanistan the past 20 years, we increase risk to our air forces operating in highly contested environments.

Next slide. So in addition to capacity, DoD’s current PGM-mix is unbalanced, which is why we’re hearing so much about the need for a different mix of weapons in the future. The preponderance of the Air Force’s PGMs are direct-attack weapons, which are best suited for strikes in permissive environments, like I said, plus a much smaller number of those longer range standoff weapons.

Now, that made sense in the past, where our aircraft were not threatened by advance IADs. Strikes with short-range, direct-attack weapons will not be the norm in a fight with China. And as the slide says, very long range weapons tend to be larger, which reduces the number that can be carried per sortie and more constantly, which reduces the number that our military can afford to buy.

So an unbalanced PGMs can reduce the number of targets that we can attack with acceptable risk. And that’s why we need a family of next generation mid-range weapons. So as you see on the chart, weapons that are sized to fit internally in our fifth and sixth generation aircraft to maximize their lethality and bring to the flight what no other service can and as the penetrating strike capacity, they’ll be decisive.

Next slide. So, our force planners must also consider the characteristics of future target sets as they develop weapons requirements. Now to cite Secretary Kendall, our target set in a war a China would be very different in the target set that China is preparing to attack—which is why simply replicating the kinds of weapons that China’s investment doesn’t make sense for us.

So I actually … adapted this chart for one use 12 years ago, to illustrate the need for a new penetrating bomber. [It] shows some of the advantages and disadvantages of penetrating and standoff weapons. Many of which are related to their attributes such as their warheads sizes, their flight times and so forth. China, as is Russia, as is North Korea and Iran, [are] using mobility hardening deeply buried facilities camouflage and other means to degrade our strike effectiveness. Our best long range standoff weapons simply can’t carry warheads that are large enough to penetrate very hard people vary targets and their longer flight times can reduce your effectiveness on mobile targets which is what you see on the slide.

The point is, it’s those kinds of assessments that are needed to define the right mix of weapons in our future inventory. Next slide. So also touch on survivability, which John I think you’re going to get into, but by that I mean the ability of individual weapons to survive to reach their aim points. Now this [is] based on simple math. It shows it as enemy defenses become more capable of tracking and interdicting our weapons, individual PGMs, the number of weapons and sorties needed to strike a given target set increases. It’s logical. The point is, simply throwing more sorties and legacy weapons at this problem isn’t feasible. Our Air Force, the [unintelligible] is about half the size of the force was on the ramp during Desert Storm. We simply can’t generate those kinds of sorties needed to overcome these weapons losses. A better choice is to acquire a new generation of PGMs that are low observable, can maneuver, fly at higher speeds and so forth, otherwise designed to survive. Next slide. For wrap up, it’s also important to seek the right balance between the range, the size, the survivability, and the cost of our future PGMs. Now as Secretary Kendall has said, cost effectiveness is a major consideration for our weapons investments, especially for weapons are going to be used in peer fights, where we may have to expend tens and tens of thousands of them. So as this chart shows, weapon unit costs tend to increase with their range and their [unintelligible]. And that’s why in our report, we recommended investing in a family of those mid-range weapons range between 50 to 250 nautical miles after release, that a unit costs somewhere in the range of $300,000 or maybe even less. And that’s what the little table on the chart shows: how many of those weapons can we buy for $5 billion, which is really pretty reasonable for a munitions program. And how many days a combat could they support if launch at a reasonable rate of 500 per day?

And finally, next slide. While DoD should certainly field some hypersonic weapons, their high cost could constrain how many you can afford to buy, especially if you’re looking at very expensive boost glide weapons on the order of the long range hypersonic weapon the Army is investing in, which could cost somewhere between $40 [million] and $50 million per shot or per target, if you will. So that’s back to you for questions. Again, thanks for coming.

Stutzreim: General Deptula, response?

Retired Lt. Gen. David A. Deptula: Well, greetings everyone. As you might expect, I fully support the work of Col. Gunzinger, more affectionately known as Gonzo. His paper, for those of you who haven’t read it, I’d certainly committed to you as it provides a foundation for I think the Air Force ought to be planning. After decades of deferred and canceled modernization programs, the Air Force’s lead over pure competitors is eroding. And we’re just simply undersized for the operational demands that we’re asked to meet. Unfortunately, during peacetime, one of the places that programmers go to find funds for other priorities are the munitions accounts. Now that’s because there are very few advocates for increasing munition inventories during peacetime therefore, when conflict does break out, we find ourselves facing munition shortages just when we need them in great or at least sufficient quantities.

You know as you get older you tend to tell more war stories, but I vividly recall during the opening months of Operation Enduring Freedom when I was the combined air operations … commander, [I] basically got a message saying hey, stopping using so many PGMs every day, you know, our stocks are getting low. And I’m thinking to myself, hey, we’ve only been doing this for three weeks. And we’re only hittng 70 to 80 DMPEs a day—desired mean points of impact. I mean, you’ve got to be kidding me. We’re starting to run low. This is Afghanistan. You know, these are 16th century tribesmen that we’re going against, not the Russians or the Chinese. The bottom line is, imagine a modern major regional conflict was on the order of 100,000 aim points in a matter of a few months. But as Gonzo alluded to in this day, and age, it’s not just about quantity. We’re faced with issues of manpower to build up weapons, survivability characteristics, range, adaptability to various targets, and many, many issues as those of you who are experts in munitions in here are aware of. So what the Air Force needs to do—it’s got to move out smartly to develop a new generation of mid-range standing PGMs that cost less than long range standoff weapons, to help develop a sufficient PGM inventory. Look, we’re not going to do 100,000 plus aim points with standoff. There’s not enough money in the Department of Defense to be able to do that. But we do need to be able to prepare to take care of that number of targets. So the next-generation stand-in PGMs, designed with low observability and other features to penetrate advanced integrated air defense systems, are kind of key to our ability to maintain that kind of deterrent effect that hopefully we’ll get back to being able to accomplish so we can prevent the kinds of things that we’re seeing in Europe today happening in other places around the world. Combining the range survivability and ability of penetrating aircraft to complete kill chains independently with next-generation standing PGMs will significantly increase the Air Force’s lethality and is something we got to move off of PowerPoint into production.

Stutzreim: Thanks, boss. Dr. Corley, comments.

Corley: Well, again, thanks for the opportunity to be here and to speak to AFA [and] to represent AFRL munitions directorate at Eglin Air Force Base, and Colonel Meeks as the director there. I’d say yes. And so I think, obviously, we need something between hypersonic weapons and standard in, you know, direct attack munitions, and something that’s affordable. And I’d say a subset of affordable mass would be affordable standoff. So I think we don’t have to necessarily go hypersonic to get in. To get in quick we can have a high speed cruise missile, that for Mike that’s much more affordable using much more mature technology in the near term, something like a high-mach turbine engine that could not only get us to the target at supersonic speeds but also generate power on the way to the target so that you could even increase this range.

So I think it’s not unimaginable that you could have a you know, excess of 1,000 miles’ range, you know, if you’re just at the warhead, and you’re trading trading fuel for warhead space.

Matter of fact, we’re working on a concept at AFRL called the affordable excuse me, it’s called the air launch response to strike missile. And it does just that, and it’s a feeder to a study that’s going on for the advanced long range affordable munition that’s in works and being studied right now.

But you can’t have a Gucci weapon just going after one targets that you got to have a multi-mission warhead, that for any of these cruise missiles … is pretty good at taking out not only your surface targets and your antennas and tails and those sorts of things, but also it was okay at bunkers and buildings and more recently maritime targets.

So we’re developing technologies that can go after all those.

A second approach to achieving this affordable mass would be I use the term organized chaos. And we’ve all talked about the ability to overwhelm and confuse the enemy by having network collaborative weapons. Thousands of them in the air, at least hundreds of them the air integrated. You know, this is a long term vision. I’m AFRL—I’m the long-term vision guy, right? May have Eurail on the long term vision guy, right?

So we are you can imagine having hundreds of these in the air network together. Making decisions on the fly target each other communicating back and forth with each other. But not only swarming, but having a loitering capability so we don’t want to just get to the target area and go right in we want to have some gas left for loitering as well.

And I’ll use the term and this was one that was coined at AFRL a few years back—heterogeneous integrated vehicle ensembles hives.

So it goes with a swarm theme so you have hives of that launch the swarms that are not only lethal packages, but they may have other payloads as well. You might have as supplies or payloads, you might have decoys, and some of them and some of them might have lethal and other types of payloads including you know, comm relay packages. You could even get—now bear with me, in know this is way-out thinking—you could even have sub-munitions that were powered as well, that you want from these cruise missiles to extend the range of those even further. So that would be swarms of swarms, to create confusion and give you some additional ability.

You mentioned the idea of capacity. And you know, we talked about the peace dividend, but I say there’s a precision weapons dividend that we incurred after Desert Storm where we got precision weapons [and] now we don’t need as many platforms. And guess what, we don’t have as many platforms now, so we don’t have as many hardpoints.

We cannot, you know, hang hundreds of these munitions just on conventional aircraft. So I think you’re gonna have to do something to take advantage of the broader launch platforms that we do have. Well, they may not even be launch platforms today. Think about transport aircraft. Think about palletized munitions. We’ve all seen the AFRL booth. Hopefully if you haven’t been, go by and see what they’re doing with Rapid Dragon for instance. I want to give a shout out to the Blue Horizon team. Do you have any the you are all here in the room today? Blue Horizon is a group that was started [unintelligible] at the Air University. And they are kind of a think tank within the Air Force of mid-grade officers that are going to be the leaders of tomorrow. And they have some concepts beyond Rapid Dragon. If you’re not familiar with it, it’s basically palletizing JASSM—a pretty expensive missile—but it was you know it was an F 117 replacement. So it was a good trade in terms of cost when at the time it was developed. But it’s probably not the exactly right missile for palletized ammunition to be affordable.

But think about concepts where you could have a less exquisite, more fragile missile that would be capable of being delivered in mass and at a lower cost and quantity and being able to produce you know, if you make them into economies of large quantities. You can realize economies of scale.

But back to Blue Horizon—they actually have some concepts besides pushing these out of transport aircraft with manned platforms. They’ve been talking about droning planes out of the Boneyard, and then using them to launch swarms of palletize munitions. And then you don’t have a return flight. You know, you just drone them into a target as well. So the vehicle itself becomes the target.

When we look at you think well how are we going to get to a … cruise missile that could be affordable enough to palletize we’ve actually got a concept. Again, it’s a blank-sheet concept … at AFRL called Cleaver, which is all about affordability, you know, making things that are survivable to the extent that they need to be but also more affordable.

And there was a compliant, so you can plug any payloads in there. You don’t have to crack them open, which is it doesn’t matter if you crack them open, you can crack them open and replace the chamber payloads and change them out. But, you know, update the warheads after their 20-year period. And essentially you come up with and they don’t have to have all of them have large 1,000-pound payloads in them.

They could essentially be flying fuel tanks where you have … reasonable sized payload that you’re trading … range and then have something left in the gas tank when you get there. And then the final part that I like to talk is about agile, competent, combat employment. I think we talked about direct attack munitions, but if you think about containerized munitions. Right now our direct attack munitions are shipped over and multiple containers into the field. And there it is a logistical nightmare to ship all of those random, these big shipping containers, unpack them, reassemble them. And now you got to do that if you want to highland hop, you’ve got to do that again, every day. No, you know, let’s just have containers and we can pull them out. Take unitary munitions are already built up, and all up rounds and hang them on the aircraft. And so we’re working concepts like that as well.

Gunzinger: Hey, John. Just real quick before we get to the questions. I didn’t want to imply that standoff weapons are bad, right? And right now, we need both. They both have their advantages and disadvantages. But that hole is missing those mid-range weapons. The other point is not about weapons costs. It really is cost per target, which is hard to show on ROI. That’s the metric.

Stutzreim: And we’ll talk about that a little bit. Dr. Corley, it’s great that you’re thinking logistically to develop this very important tool. Let me ask you, you know, we have been talking about how important it is to get this right mix PGMS for a long time. And everybody’s been talking what’s different today? Why is it so important to get this right now?

Corley: Two words: Russia, Ukraine. The threat a pure conflict today is real. Now, Desert Storm involved about 45,000 aim points. That was our last real major regional conflict. Afghanistan, Iraq because we’re small scale contingencies. They go back to Desert Storm, only about six percent of all the weapons employed were precision guided munitions. If you fast forward 25 years to Operation Inherent Resolve, operations against the Islamic State. Over 95 percent of the munitions used were PGMs. But since the numbers of weapons applied were very small, on average, between 10 and 15 strike sorties a day, with about one weapon drop per each, we could handle that.

But imagine a repeat of a major regional contingency on the order of a Desert Storm with a China or Russia. That’s what bumps up those aim points to on the order of 100,000 or more. So do we have that number of weapons on hand to deal with that magnitude of a threat? No, we don’t have the capacity to either to generate that number of weapons in a matter of weeks, so we need to get to stockpiling more munitions, with the capabilities that we desire.

Now, … you heard John already talk about some of the desired capabilities. Let me highlight what I believe we need to use as guidelines to shape this new standard in weapons inventory.

Five items. Broad-sense adaptability, locality, simplify logistics, reliability, and then reduce total cost. I’m not going to go into each one of them because you know, we could dig down into a level of detail and we just need not to do here, but let me just give you an example. What I mean by adaptability incorporating a universal arming, interface, platform language, resilient GPS INS in terminal secret capabilities, so we’re not tied to just one data-linked enhanced standoff. I mean, we’re looking at something minimum range of 50 miles, multi-mission capability, blast frag penetration, blast, low collateral damage, open system architecture, all up around and compatible with almost any bomb dropping platform in the inventory. So those are the kinds of things that I think we need to be aiming toward.

Stutzreim: A similar question, and I’ll go to Dr. Corley. And that is, in this regime Gonzo talks about in the direct attack, that shorter range piece, what attributes are you looking for, in addition to this, to get the right capability there and what operational factors drive those attributes? Can you prioritize those?

Corley: Well, I think, you know, as we spoke, there’s going to be, it has been said there’s been thousands of DMPEs and hundreds of hours that we’re going to have to go after. And do we have the stockpiles today even to do that, and every drop is going to have to count right. So I think reliability is job one. You have to make sure that every strike is going to survive the impact of the target. And the fuse is going to function right now.

You know, we know that we launched several weapons time sometimes to take out a single target we got to up our reliability of our weapon, so to make sure that we can trust that that one shot will do and that goes in really in line with what part of the reason we’ve launched multiple weapons is because our lethality tools are somewhat lacking.

So we you know, we don’t have enough confidence in the process that we use to characterize our weapons through static arena tests and then say, we let’s do three arena tests and then we’re good to go. But we’re not sure so we’re going to drop two weapons just in case and we’re just not going to have the luxury of doing that in future cons in future in future fights with a with a peer competitor.

I already mentioned … the idea about it being unitary and containerized that makes you know, the implication is that they would have transportability as another “ility” [to] be able to get them into the fight. Of course, smaller is always good for larger loadouts and we’re looking at you know, more lethal blast mechanisms.

People always talk about having the need to have larger warheads for more lethality. And I always say, as long as you’re in the right place at the right time, you can have a pretty small weapon and make and do the lethal effect, and so it’s all a cost, cost trade. And as I mentioned, we got to have weapons that we can build in mass and leverage those economies of scale because we’re producing a single type of weapon not multiple weapons for different targets sets, but single weapons that can do a lot of different things. And obviously, they all have to be have open system architecture, so they can be upgradable and drive towards—now this is something that you have to think about this a minute—but a PK greater than one. If your weapon can take out more than one target in process, then you you’ve won the calculus there. So those are some of the attributes that I would I would talk to

Stutzreim: Very good … We don’t have much time left. I’d like to ask General Deptula a cost-per-effect question, if we could … move on to that. I’ll come back to discussion on hypersonics with Dr. Corley and Gonzo if that’s okay. But General Deptula, you know, these budgets have a huge impact on our munitions, both in terms of capacity and capability. And how does this concept that we’ve been talking about for a while now virtual Institute, how does this concept cost per effect, enter the mix in that regard? How does it fit?

Deptula: Well, it’s no secret that as you describe that, we need to refocus on the effectiveness piece of the cost effective equation. Because for too many years now, we’ve only focused on cost. And so when we talk about cost per effect you need to consider in compare the cost and effects that each weapon can create, for the purpose of maximizing the value of desired operational outcomes. So it’s sort of like you want to start it in game at the target and then work backwards from there from there. For airstrikes, these comparisons should include not just the number and cost of the PGMs but the aircraft needed to execute the missions as well as the direct support assets, such as refueling tankers, electromagnetic jamming platforms, SAM suppression efforts, and including air crews and infrastructure like basing and maintenance support. Let me use as an example John’s already mentioned, and that’s the whole concept of agile combat and engagement because it’s got to be a huge driving factor and it’s great in terms of an example.

So in this particular case, think about it we’re looking at dispersed operations. So reducing manpower requirements becomes huge. As we will first in the first place, we’re not going to have the manpower to build up all these JDAMs as we’ve become used to in the past. We need all up rounds that you can pull out of a container and jam to an aircraft with no additional hands on time. So that’s what cause per effect in the context of munitions is all about one point. On cost effect. This is something that we were both in general depth to. The analyses that took place determine whether or not our nation needed a new penetrating bomber, and they took cost per effect into account as they did analyses, the various options standoff versus penetrating payloads and all that and well, the results are classified. We’re getting a new penetrating bomber and there is a very good reason for that.

Stutzreim: Pretty good. Let me skip to hypersonics real quick, and this is for both Gonzo and Dr. Corley. I’ll start with Gonzo, just talk about this mix. Where does it factor in in terms of the mix you’re talking about in your findings? Go ahead and just I know you absolutely talked about weapons survivability and hypersonic speeds can give us more survivability. As Secretary Kendall has said, there are a lot of ways of improving the survivability of our weapons so not just speeds. So our hypersonic weapons must be affordable enough to buy in quantity. And you take a look at boost glide weapons, I cited one—the Army’s—so $40 to $50 million a shot. Those two targets could buy an F 35 that we can reuse over and over and over again. Or they can buy a heck of a lot of those mid-range weapons like I talked about. But there are another class of hypersonic weapons and that’s scramjet air launched weapons, and I think [its] moderate range is 500 to 600 nautical miles. [There is] a good chance that scramjet-powered hypersonic weapons can be procured. It’d be much, much, much more affordable. I look forward to your thoughts on that.

Corley: Well, I think the role for hypersonic weapons, really, is that first of all deterrence and strategic messaging. But from a practical standpoint, it really … should it come to that they’re, a piece of rolling back the [uintelligible acronym] along with subsequent waves of crewed and uncrewed platforms to unlock that joint force. But nobody goes into the World Series with the strategy of, we’re going to win it with home runs. You know, so I think you’ve got to have that balanced approach. We know I think we were headed there, you know, okay, hypersonics is gonna solve everything. And I think now we’ve got to take a more balanced approach and I think you point that out in your in your paper very, very well. You know, I think hypersonics could be used to support swarms. So, you know, they can be very distracting. It can be very striking, distracting, you know, as you’re as they’re monitoring an incoming hypersonic weapon and you have a swarm come, you know, to really do the effect on target or vice versa. You have a swarm distract them while you’re engaging with the hypersonic target. So I think there’s some synergies there, that can be used together. So I think, you know, both hypersonic boost glide, and the cruise missiles have a have a role. But I think from a practical standpoint, really accelerating the ability of the cruise missiles to provide that shorter range, more affordable application of hypersonics is just as important that there’s all sorts of strategic targets that you need the long range for, but that would be what I would say about the mix.

Deptula: Yeah, let me jump in here just real quick and remind folks, that if the decision cycle takes longer than the time of flight of the missile would you use an hypersonic weapon for?

Corley: It really comes down to survivability that point, right? I mean, save a lot of money. We say time we you know, I think the argument to say that hypersonics for time critical targets just as you are implying, that does not solve the equation because there’s much longer portion to the equation, but it doesn’t you know, it is a means of enhancing survivability, but I think you can do that with supersonic weapons and maybe aren’t as expensive as well.

Gunzinger: Yeah, the key really is, I mentioned earlier to my briefing, understand your target set. And ours is not the same as China’s. So replicating what they’re doing by buying lots and lots hypersonic weapons and [unintelligible] doesn’t make sense except to a small crowd of policy, non-operational people and people trying to solidify their portion of the budget. There you go, and I’m your loan is cheaper. So let’s get rid of the surface launch stuff.

Corley: And one more three C’s. We’ve heard China, China, China, I’ll say capacity, capacity, capacity.

Stutzreim: Well said. We’re going to move to we got like four minutes left, but we’ve got to get to this discussion. I’m sure all three of you will have some things to say about this. But I’ll start with Gonzo.

You know, there’s this debate in town between the advocates for a penetrating strike and those advocating for these long range missiles that we’re talking about right now. So the outcome of this though, like General Deptula said, is really going to have a huge impact on how the money’s spent and what the portfolio looks like—and how effective it is against a threat. So talk to us you did a lot of work in this report about this debate.

Gunzinger: I’m a fan of some standoff weapons, no question about it. They have advantages that a direct attack these mid-range weapons can’t provide. But that said, very long range, service launch weapons that extremely expensive, logistics intensive huge footprints on the ground, problems closing the kill chain in a timely fashion, especially against targets that are mobile and that is our problem, China. That doesn’t make a lot of sense to me. I like the PrSM [precision strike missile system. Army should buy the PrSM—for Europe. That’s the right theater that’s the right target set us the right time of flight, etc.

Corley: That your goes back to what was said this morning. You know, putting previous-generation weapons on future generation aircraft just doesn’t make a lot of sense. I gave a talk several years ago, looking back 30 … This was 10 years ago, looking back 30 years and say, 30 years from now—do we want to have the same weapons that we had 30 years ago on our on our airplanes? But that’s what we’re kind of doing. It kind of was sobering. This morning when he was talking about Desert Storm and 30 years ago, and I’m like, oh, my goodness, I’m getting old. But you know, I think that’s the reality. We’re still fighting with yesterday’s weapons on tomorrow’s platforms.

Stutzreim: While you’ve got the mic, Dr. Corley, one last question for you. On the horizon, do we have technologies that will increase munitions lethality, but not inflate the cost? Do we see that on the horizon?

Corley: Well, we are always trying to drive that calculus down and put more capability … into a less expensive platform like a weapon that’s expendable, and dial back some of the margin that we haven’t that’s built into today’s weapons because we want to pull them out of a box after 20 years and make sure they work the first time when you hang on an aircraft. That’s what we asked if our weapons today and if you can make more affordable weapons. That are going to be used and replaced, you know, parts of them those expendable parts more readily. We can we can drive that cost down. And again, not making so many different weapons, but cooperating as an industry base to develop more and more of the same things and it leverages economies of scale.

Stutzreim: We love what you do at the munitions directorate. General Deptula, do you have any closing comments by chance?

Deptula: No, I just emphasize the importance of this area and it’s one of the places I’ll finish where I started. Munitions tend to get neglected during peacetime. But given the kinds of challenges that we’re facing, potential peer level fights in the future, we’ve got to modernize and increase our munitions accounts to be able to handle the size of the kinds of challenges that we’re sure to face

Stutzreim: Thank you, sir. And thank you Dr. Corley. Go ahead, one last closing comment.

Corley: I’ve got one last closing comment. I just want to because you can’t go the recession without talking about digital engineering. I think that is really going to be a key to us going faster and cheaper as well in the future. And we’re starting to see that in the weapons community as well.

Stutzreim: Gonzo?

Gunzinger: We can have the best fifth- and sixth-gen force in the world. We’re going to have the largest bomber force in the world we can have NGADs out our ears. If they don’t have weapons, that does not translate into combat power. And Gen. Deptula is exactly right. The time to buy those weapons is now.

Stutzreim: Okay, folks, this comes brings us to the conclusion. If you are interested in this discussion, you can download Gonzo’s paper at mitchellaerospacepower.org. But I’m asking you sign up and you’ll get [unintelligible] on all of Mitchell Institute’s announcements or events. We’ve got a podcast you can listen to every week for 30 or 40 minutes. That’s aerospace advantage. But go ahead and sign up. It doesn’t cost you think we’d like to have you on our on our team.

5 Changes to Acquisition Focusing on Threat, Talent, and Tech

5 Changes to Acquisition Focusing on Threat, Talent, and Tech

Defense acquisition must evolve to address changes in the threat environment, the rate of technological advancement, and the demand for connectivity, among other shifts—while preserving a commitment to core values, integrity, and transparency, said the Air Force’s uniformed acquisition chief, Lt. Gen. Duke Z. Richardson.

Speaking at the annual McAleese conference in Washington, D.C., on March 9, Richardson outlined—based on his 39 years in acquisition—five major changes that have already happened that are forcing the process to evolve, and which he doesn’t think “anyone would dispute.”

The quality of the threat is higher’

The quality of the weapon systems the U.S. faces is “very, very different” from “20-30 years ago.” The details are classified, Richardson said, but “you’re going to have to trust me if you haven’t seen some of that information.”

Moreover, “the scope of the threat is changing,” with cyber “playing a large role in everything we do.” Those two changes are profound, and “we’re feeling it,” he said.

‘Solo operations’ won’t work anymore

And “this is a big one,” Richardson said. “This idea that you can take an F-22 fighter or an F-35—or pick your platform—and you can kind of just work … without help. … Those days are gone, for lots and lots of reasons.”

The acquisition system must get away from thinking about platforms discretely and focus on “the entire fighting system, working together.” Closing kill chains without the Space Force or even the other services “is not going to be done by the United States Air Force” alone. He said systems such as the F-22’s inter-flight datalink (IFDL) “that only speaks to other F-22s … really, those days are gone. We’ve got to get away from that.”

And, “it’s not just that—it’s really everything. Think about logistics systems, enterprise IT, simulators, support equipment,” Richardson continued. He was a program executive officer for four classes of systems, and “PEOs just like to be left alone, right? They like to manage their risk, and they do that best by sort of shielding themselves from connections to other things. That’s going to have to stop. We’re not going to be able to do that anymore—not if we’re going to keep up.”

‘Expectations of the workforce are different’

The acquisition system will have to recognize this, Richardson said. “And certainly COVID contributed to that. I’m not sure it wouldn’t have happened anyway.” Employees want meaningful work, he said, and they may want to do it in different ways and locations.

“And … it’s not just an Air Force thing [or] … DOD thing. It’s not just the defense industrial base. … It’s a commercial thing, too.” This doesn’t mean employees don’t want to work, he added, but “they … require meaningful work. So we’ve got to make sure we give meaningful work. We’ve got to find new ways of having them do their work and maybe even new locations. And so that’s something that’s definitely weighing on me.”

Software-defined hardware adds agility

“And this is a good thing,” Richardson said—“the maturity of the hardware.”

Hardware is now software-defined, he said, even to the point of “changing the way the waveform looks without actually changing the hardware. … The hardware is much more agile, in terms of edits, so to speak. … I think that’s great.”

This transition has also changed “warfighting capability” because of accelerating computing power and the ability to do digital acquisition and digital engineering—which, he pointed out, is not “taking paper and turning it into a PDF.” Instead, going digital is changing design and support systems and will open up “a lot of opportunities … to meet those workforce expectations that I mentioned.”

The pace is accelerating—which presents risks all its own

“I’m an engineer. We all know what the rate of change is,” Richardson said—”it’s called acceleration.”

Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr.’s mantra of “accelerate change or lose … [is] exactly right,” Richardson said, allowing that this has “weighed heavily on my mind.”

He also warned against calls to go faster to achieve speed for its own sake.

“This idea that, ‘Oh, just take risk … ’ Well, we don’t take risk. We manage risk, OK?” The acquisition system must never simply dive into a program and “just hope it works out. … That doesn’t work. So we manage it. We do smart things.”

The constants—and what’s next

What won’t change in acquisition, Richardson said, are the Air Force’s “core values”; a focus on “what’s best for the nation” and the taxpayer; the need for transparency with Congress and “making sure programs are justified”; technical leadership; and a thorough and comprehensive “risk and test program management.” The basic “blocking and tackling” skills of acquisition will always be needed, he said. The Air Force will also always need a “professional, competent workforce” and “systems engineering.”

Richardson said no one is more qualified to oversee the Air Force’s technical program than its Secretary, Frank Kendall, “who wrote the book” on acquisition. In his first months on the job, Kendall “took a wire brush” to USAF programs, and, Richardson allowed, “we probably needed it.”

What must change, Richardson said, is a shift to “enterprise solutions” across the Department of the Air Force. While programs have been easier to manage when they don’t have to tie into other things, “that’s not the time we’re in anymore,” he said. “We need a lot more system-level thinking.” The Advanced Battle Management System, for example, must work across multiple commands, services, and technologies, and it will integrate logistics, information technologies, weapon system sustainment, mission planning, business systems—the gamut of what USAF does.

“We’re working on what’s called the digital infrastructure right now, the consortium approach to design what that should look like,” Richardson said. “And then once we get that, … we’ll start competing the parts and pieces to it.”

All weapon systems “need to be” integrated with and serve the enterprise, he asserted. “We can’t have single-purpose systems. … We are going to lose to adversaries that are more advanced than that.”

The Air Force must also shift away from a platform focus to “the mission systems on the platform,” he said. “I’ll know we’re there when the mission systems are the ‘co-stars’” with the platforms on which they ride, Richardson said.

The acquisition system must also change the way the industry and government collaborate, he said. The old system of calendar-driven preliminary and critical design reviews and other “Big Bang deliverable” events must give way to narrower-focus, more rapid updates that take advantage of new digital tools and make speed a given.  

“This idea of Big Bang meetings, Big Bang design reviews … where the process kind of waits until a monthly deliverable comes … is not dynamic. It’s not flexible. That needs to change.” Rather than major milestones, “you’ve been doing it all along. And these new … digital engineering tools have allowed us to do that. And they allow us to do it in different locations so we can go to different locations.”

North Korea Has Tested New ICBM System, Pentagon Reveals

North Korea Has Tested New ICBM System, Pentagon Reveals

U.S. Indo-Pacific Command has intensified its intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance efforts and increased its ballistic missile defense readiness in response to North Korea’s tests of a new ICBM system, the Pentagon announced March 10.

According to a statement from Pentagon Press Secretary John F. Kirby, the North Koreans conducted a pair of tests Feb. 26 and March 4 of the new intercontinental ballistic missile system known as Hwasong-16, which North Korea first revealed in an October 2020 military parade.

“The purpose of these tests, which did not demonstrate ICBM range, was likely to evaluate this new system before conducting a test at full range in the future, potentially disguised as a space launch,” Kirby’s statement read.

The prediction of a full-range ICBM test in the near future follows an October 2021 report from the Defense Intelligence Agency, which assessed that “it is possible we could see a test of a long-range missile” from North Korea “over the next year.” Shortly after that report was released, North Korea tested a submarine-launched missile.

North Korea has announced missile tests in the past but did not make these latest two public—the U.S. chose to do so “because we believe it’s important to call out the behavior that we’ve been seeing, particularly in the last few weeks, and we believe it’s important for the entire international community to speak with one voice about the concerns that we know they have over the DPRK’s continued ballistic missile program,” Kirby told reporters in a March 11 briefing.

Pressed on exactly what actions INDOPACOM has made in response to the new tests, Kirby declined to discuss specifics.

“What has changed is we’ve increased ISR coverage in the Yellow Sea, and INDOPACOM has increased their ballistic missile defense readiness, and I think you can understand why we wouldn’t detail every bit of that effort,” he said.

The tactic of publicly revealing adversary actions they had not disclosed has become an increasingly common one for the Pentagon as of late—in the run-up to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the U.S. and its allies repeatedly released intelligence indicating what President Vladimir Putin’s next moves might be, hoping to preempt and foil his plans. That tactic has, to an extent, continued after the invasion.

However, Kirby downplayed the notion that in revealing the North Korean ballistic missile tests, the Pentagon is following the same playbook.

“I would be careful drawing a direct bright line between these revelations about this program and revelations that we made early on, even before the invasion of Ukraine,” said Kirby. “When we believe that information should be in the public, we’re going to put it in the public. We’re going to state it as best we can. Obviously, there’s some stuff we know that we’re not going to talk about. But we believe that calling them out publicly for these tests was the right thing to do.”

Automating Launch Safety Is Helping the Space Force Speed Up the Tempo

Automating Launch Safety Is Helping the Space Force Speed Up the Tempo

CAPE CANAVERAL SPACE FORCE STATION, Fla.—Air Force and Space Force personnel and systems have stood at the ready to remotely destroy a rocket if it were to go off course from the Eastern Range and endanger the public.

Now as launch companies adopt autonomous flight safety systems, Space Launch Delta 45 is saving on mission control chairs and looping out about a dozen facilities across the base per launch.

Streamlining the launches is letting the Space Force do more of them.

The delta’s leadership views the autonomous flight safety systems, or AFSS—which end an awry rocket’s flight automatically— as “the fundamental enabler” of the service’s “Range of the Future” vision.

Chief of Space Operations Gen. John W. “Jay” Raymond’s “Range of the Future” initiative requires autonomous flight safety systems, or AFSS, for launches by 2025.

“We’ve already seen the tremendous benefits of that with SpaceX. The numbers are dramatic,” the delta’s commander, Gen. Stephen G. Purdy Jr., told Air Force Magazine during a recent visit to Patrick Space Force Base, some 15 miles south of Cape Canaveral on the Atlantic.

Purdy estimated that a command-destruct mission involves some 16 range systems that must be used or staffed. That number drops to about five if the launch vehicle has an autonomous flight safety system to automatically blow it up, with onboard ordnance, or otherwise terminate the flight.

The Space Force’s Space Systems Command said the “significantly lighter instrumentation/manpower footprint” will lead to more launch capacity.

“This will be significant in processing our packed launch manifest,” a command spokesperson said. “We look to launch more missions to orbit in 2022 than in any previous year in the history of launch from the Cape.”

Purdy said that’s a welcome change from the mentality of years past.

“Many years ago, we were the range of the ‘No’ from a safety perspective and a scheduling perspective. If it was difficult, if it was painful, the answer was kind of ‘no’ first and then ‘no’ second,” said Purdy, a trained engineer and acquisitions professional. “You could do that when you only launched four or five rockets a year, right? If you’re launching a bunch more, you’ve got to figure out better ways to do things.”

SpaceX and Blue Origin already have the autonomous systems on their rockets, while legacy provider United Launch Alliance does not, but Space Force expects ULA’s new Vulcan Centaur rocket to have the feature.

Part of realizing Raymond’s vision is to get rid of unnecessary equipment and bureaucracy in order to run America’s space ranges more like commercial airports.

De-coupling public safety from Eastern Range instrumentation requirements is helping Cape Canaveral fast-track Raymond’s vision, said Col. Mark A. Shoemaker, vice commander of Space Launch Delta 45.

“That is probably the fundamental enabler of the big Range of the Future vision,” said Shoemaker, speaking from his office suite, which is still decorated with an open-mouthed shark logo carpet emblazoned with the motto, “We are ‘Go’ for launch,” representing the delta’s 45th Space Wing predecessor.

Reconfiguring the command-destruct range for every launch “is one of the key pacing items today,” Shoemaker said. Without the requirement, the delta can conduct launches more often.

“Command destruct requires an entire room of folks, actually, right past that glass,” said Space Force Col. Pat Youngson, the delta’s chief of safety, pointing to a room just off Mission Control Room 1 in the Morrell Operations Center at Cape Canaveral.

“They sit on a console and actually [are] the man in the loop when the rocket goes the wrong way—they would actually turn a key and destroy the rocket,” he said. “We can turn range faster by not having all those extra pieces and parts. And that’s something Gen. Raymond has mandated for all of us to do.”

Once all the launch providers have autonomous flight safety systems, Space Systems Command estimates that 13 personnel will be freed up along with divestment in associated equipment.

For now, maintaining that equipment is a challenge in beachy conditions, including salt water, winds, sunshine, and even hurricanes.

“This is the Space Coast. We are in Florida. There’s a lot of water just over there,” Youngson explained.

“That water has salt, and the salt just starts eating away everything we have. As soon as you paint it, it’s going to start rusting tomorrow. And so that’s a lot of upkeep,” he said, noting that sometimes radars will be found inoperable.

Then there are the critters.

“There’s stuff that’s going to start breaking. There are animals here that like to dig, and so they’ll start chewing through wires,” he said. “You name it—there are things that are happening here.”

The best way to fix the problem, Youngson said, is less infrastructure. And that is achieved by autonomous flight termination.

“A lot of systems on the range we’re just not going to need anymore,” Purdy said. “We’re going to … squeeze out a lot of the older tech.”

Austin Set to Visit Belgium, Slovakia Amid Russia-Ukraine Conflict

Austin Set to Visit Belgium, Slovakia Amid Russia-Ukraine Conflict

Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III is set to visit Belgium and Slovakia the week of March 13, his first visit to Europe since Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine, the Pentagon announced March 11.

In Brussels, Belgium, Austin will take part in a meeting with NATO defense ministers as the alliance continues to track the war unfolding in Eastern Europe. Millions of Ukrainians have fled the country, many pouring into neighboring NATO states, while members of the alliance continue to ship weapons and aid into the country.

President Joe Biden has pledged to defend “every inch” of NATO territory while remaining firm in his insistence that the U.S. will not send any troops into Ukraine itself. Still, thousands of American troops have deployed to Europe.

After the ministerial in Brussels, Austin will go to Slovakia, where he will “visit with senior civilian military leaders there to again make clear our firm commitment to NATO’s eastern flank and to talk about ways to deepen the U.S.-Slovakia relationship,” Pentagon Press Secretary John F. Kirby told reporters in a briefing.

At the moment, Slovakia, which borders Ukraine, has no permanent U.S. troop presence in Slovakia, but the two countries have increased cooperation as of late.

In early February, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Slovakia’s defense minister, Jaroslav Nad, signed an agreement for the U.S. to use two Slovak air bases for 10 years. Slovakia will receive American funds to modernize those bases, according to the Associated Press.

Then, Reuters reported that a contingent of American troops were headed to Slovakia as part of NATO’s Saber Strike exercise. Roughly 2,000 troops were scheduled to drill with Slovak soldiers in the first few weeks of March. Officials said the exercise had been long planned and was not in response to increasing Russian aggression.

Austin’s visit to Slovakia follows a previous trip he made to Eastern Europe in the fall of 2021, when he made stops in several Black Sea nations in a show of support against Russia’s influence.

Now, he will arrive in a region grappling with its largest conflict in decades—one that is growing increasingly brutal as Russia is accused of shelling civilian structures and areas and committing war crimes.

Fears are growing that Russia may use chemical or biological weapons against Ukraine. In remarks to the press March 11, President Joe Biden warned of a “severe price” if that happened.

“I’m not going to speak about the intelligence, but Russia will pay a severe price if they use chemicals,” Biden said.

Kirby likewise declined to discuss any intelligence reports but said he didn’t “have anything to report with respect to specific Russian chem-bio capabilities inside Ukraine.”

“I would only say two things. … One, this is a country that has a reputation for using those kinds of weapons on people, and we know they have a program,” Kirby added. “And two, we continue to watch for the potential—and I want to stress the word potential, potential—that they could be banging this drum with the intent of creating some sort of false flag event that they could use as an excuse to escalate the conflict even more.”

Kirby did confirm reports that Russia has conducted airstrikes on two airfields in western Ukraine, a region that has mostly been removed from the main fronts of conflict. Whether that signals a shift by Moscow to expand the scope of the war, however, Kirby wouldn’t say.

“It’s difficult to know with great certainty what the Russians are doing here. Our assessment is that they struck a couple of airfields in the west,” Kirby said. “It’s not like there hasn’t been any airstrikes in western Ukraine since the beginning of this operation 16 days ago. It’s just that we haven’t seen that as a routine matter. Now you’ve got two in one day—that’s notable.”

Congress Approves 2022 Spending Bill for Federal Government, Sends it to Biden’s Desk

Congress Approves 2022 Spending Bill for Federal Government, Sends it to Biden’s Desk

Late on the evening of March 10, the Senate passed a massive omnibus spending bill to fund the federal government for the rest of fiscal 2022, sending it to President Joe Biden for his signature.

For the Defense Department, in particular, the bill will provide $728.5 billion in discretionary spending for defense-related activities—roughly 5 percent more than the funding in fiscal 2021 and above the $715 billion requested by the Biden administration. It also includes $13.6 billion in aid to bolster Ukraine in its response to Russia’s invasion.

The 68-31 vote in the Senate comes after months of delays, disagreements, and negotiations that led to the federal government operating under continuing resolution for more than five months—one of the longer periods in recent history. The fiscal year will end Sept. 30.

While the government never shut down, top Pentagon officials repeatedly pleaded for lawmakers to pass a full-year budget and bemoaned the effects of operating under a CR, saying it hurt readiness, hampered their ability to start new programs, and slowed modernization.

The delayed process began in May 2021, when the the Biden administration released its budget request late, as has become typical for Presidents in their first year in office.

Democrats and Republicans then took months to make progress in negotiations—a bipartisan framework for the appropriations bill wasn’t announced until Feb. 9, and the actual text of the bill wasn’t released until the early hours of March 9.

From there, however, lawmakers pushed the bill through Congress at breakneck speed. The House passed the $1.5 trillion bill the night of March 9, and the Senate followed suit the next day, avoiding the need for another short-term CR—the previous one had been scheduled to end March 11.

Now, with regular funding restored, the Air Force should be able to proceed with 16 new starts and four production increases that it previously said had been delayed by CRs. And the Space Force will be able to move forward with the transfer of satellite communications capabilities and personnel from the Army, Navy, and Air Force.

The bill will fund a 2.7 percent pay raise for service members, previously authorized by the 2022 National Defense Authorization Act. It will also provide funds for military families struggling with housing and food because of the COVID-19 pandemic, and it includes nearly $100 million for the DOD to implement the recommendations of the Independent Review Commission on Sexual Assault in the Military.

The funds in the spending bill will also buy 48 F-35s, 12 F-15EXs, and 14 KC-46s for the Air Force, all equal to its budget request. It also pays for the procurement of 20 extra C-130Js, 16 for the Air National Guard and four for the Air Force Reserve; and four MQ-9s, despite the Air Force not asking for any.

While the 2022 budgeting process has finally come to an end, the fiscal 2023 cycle is set to begin soon. Defense Department officials have said they expect their budget request for the upcoming fiscal year to be released in the coming weeks. With the ongoing war in Ukraine and continued concern over competition with China, the topline will be closely watched—Republicans are likely to push for a large increase, while Democrats may argue for smaller growth or even cuts.

Russia, China Developments Ending Debate Over Nuclear Modernization

Russia, China Developments Ending Debate Over Nuclear Modernization

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, along with China’s threatening moves toward Taiwan and its new campaign to build up its strategic nuclear forces, likely signal an end to debate about modernizing the full nuclear triad, according to Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall.

“I think that sort of removes some of the arguments that maybe we should have a smaller nuclear deterrent, maybe without as many legs of the triad, Kendall said at the annual McAleese conference March 9. “I think those arguments are pretty well put to bed now, given what China’s doing.”

The Air Force, Kendall said, is likely to get the green light to move forward with the Ground Based Strategic Deterrent intercontinental ballistic missile system, B-21 bomber, nuclear Long Range Stand Off missile, and command and control modernization.

“You’ve all seen … that China is modernizing its nuclear [force] and expanding it significantly,” Kendall said. “That’s a problem we have to deal with.”

Russia’s move on Ukraine was unthinkable to some in government just a few weeks before but has demonstrated that the unthinkable can happen and that the U.S. must do what’s necessary to deter them both, Kendall said:

Russia’s invasion shows that war between big nations “still happens” and that war with China in the Pacific is a “real … possibility.”

“A lot of people didn’t think that he would do it,” Kendall observed of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion. “We’ve been watching this. I’ve seen him build up his forces multiple times on the borders of Ukraine. And as we watched this one, this time was different. It was clearly not a show of force this time. He was serious about it. And a lot of people didn’t expect that.”

Now, however, “I think, for better or for worse—certainly for worse for the Ukrainian people, ultimately, for worse for the Russians—we’ve had a wake-up call. We’ve had an emotional event that says that, ‘Yes, war at scale, among great powers, among modern powers, can actually happen.’ It can also happen in the Pacific.”

Despite the Ukraine invasion, Kendall said his priority is still “China, China, China” because that country has invested for 30 years in creating a military capable of challenging the U.S. in every domain, including space. Making America’s space assets “resilient” is the top priority of Kendall’s seven “operational imperatives.” Also, “we cannot give the other side impunity to operate in space,” and other countries’ assets there must be held at risk by the U.S., Kendall asserted.

“So, we’re in a whole new world, there.”

That said, “there is a huge unfunded requirement coming in space,” Kendall warned. “When you look at what we need to have”—and some of those space architectures are being built now—“there’s a bill there, that’s coming. “We’ll start to pay it … when you see [the fiscal year 2023] budget,” but bigger bills will come later. In answer to a question, Kendall said he’s “not terribly worried” about the Space Force being able to absorb a lot of new funding, should it be appropriated. “We’re pretty good at spending money in the Pentagon,” he dryly observed.

Kendall said he is “comfortable” with the fiscal 2023 budget.

“I think we’ll be able to balance those things that we’ve talked about … and move forward. But as I look beyond that, I do see challenges ahead. We have tough choices ahead of us in the next several years as we better define the things we need and then figure out how we’re going to pay for it.”

Although he would not discuss particulars about the unreleased fiscal 2023 budget, Kendall hinted that it doesn’t have as much in it for missile defense as he would like.

“What I became alarmed about in 2010 … and what I’ve been watching progress ever since, is the purchase of ballistic and cruise missiles” by China, “targeted at our high-value assets.” The Air Force needs “good warning and tracks, particularly for ballistic missiles. So if there were one area where I think we would need much more robust capability” and funding, “that would probably be it.”

More generally, he said, if he had “extra” money, he would spend it on more analysis to make sure the programs being selected to pursue, “and modernization in general,” are optimized to USAF’s true needs.  Although in the past few years, “‘going fast’ has been emphasized … it’s really important that you go in the right direction … about where you make those investments.” His seven “imperatives” are about “making sure we get all that right.”

Kendall also said there will not be as many efforts to divest aircraft, meant to free up money for new programs, in the fiscal 2023 request as there were in the fiscal 2022 budget plan.

“We made the case last year,” he said, and Congress “came through pretty well. I’m pretty happy with what they did last year. The exception was the A-10.” But “I will tell you … I don’t think you’re going to see the same scale of requested retirements in this budget as you did last year. There will still be some. Going forward, there will be some hard choices, further out.”

Kendall said his new imperatives for tactical and strategic uncrewed aircraft are priorities because the manned aircraft force now envisioned is just too expensive. He also said the F-35’s sustainment costs are not going down to where the Air Force needs them to be.

“What we’re looking at is a force in which the F-35 is the ‘low end’ of a ‘high-low mix.’ That is not going to work,” Kendall said.

“We’re not going to get the F-35 sustainment cost down to a level where that’s realistic.” While he hopes production costs will keep going down—something the program office and Lockheed Martin have said are unlikely—even at $80 million a copy, the F-35 is “not a cheap airplane. So we’ve got to figure out a way to get the capacity and quantity that we need.” He quoted the trope that “quantity has a quality all its own,” and added, “that’s very true.”

The Air Force, he said, “needs numbers, particularly in a situation where you can expect attrition. You need the ability to expand to deal with these threats. The higher-end, more expensive aircraft are not going to get you there.”

In the omnibus defense bill, the hypersonic AGM-183 Air-launched Rapid Response Weapon (ARRW) took a major cut, giving up half its funding to longer research and development. Kendall noted that “there was a lot of enthusiasm for hypersonics in the previous administration, and I think I’ve made the comment why I think China is developing hypersonic capabilities. And we have to think more carefully about what we need” in that arena, and not just “mirror what they’re doing.” Kendall said. “We need to take a look at our whole portfolio, not just hypersonics.” But with regard to ARRW, he noted a series of test failures and said he’d spoken to Lockheed Martin recently, saying, “They think they’re working their way through that” and will get back to flight testing “shortly.”

However, “ARRW still has to prove itself,” he said.  

Raymond Foresees Cislunar Space as ‘Key Terrain,’ Guardians Going to Space

Raymond Foresees Cislunar Space as ‘Key Terrain,’ Guardians Going to Space

The Space Force’s farthest satellites fly some 22,000 miles above Earth, with Guardians operating firmly on the ground.

But in the not-too-distant future, the head of the Space Force sees USSF satellites hundreds of thousands of miles away—and Guardians in space.

Chief of Space Operations Gen. John W. “Jay” Raymond isn’t saying this will happen in the next half-decade or so, he told audience members at the McAleese conference in Washington, D.C., on March 9. But especially when it comes to monitoring the vast reaches of cislunar space—the vast void between terrestrial orbits and the moon—Raymond said he envisions a need for the Space Force.

“First of all, I think it will become key terrain. And as … the nations of the world go further out from Earth, so is the Space Force going to have to do that,” Raymond said in response to an audience question about cislunar and lunar intelligence. “I’ve walked you through the near-term priorities: We have to be able to ensure that we can provide capabilities for our nation and for our joint coalition forces—it’s critical for the defense of all of our forces. If you were to look at the force structure of any other service, and if you took space away from it, that doesn’t close. They’re all built around having that assured access. That’s Priority 1. 

“But as nations move out, and as the economy grows between here and the lunar surface, and as you look at key terrain for the defense of our nation, I think it’s an area that will be significant as we move forward.”

Raymond’s remarks come not long after the Air Force Research Laboratory released a video touting its forthcoming Cislunar Highway Patrol System—a satellite that will fly 272,000 miles from Earth. According to multiple media reports, AFRL will look to issue a request for prototype proposals by the end of March, followed by a contract this summer.

The need for domain awareness in cislunar space is likely to grow, Raymond has noted before. NASA plans on returning astronauts to the moon as early as 2025, and companies have interest in the region as well.

As for actually putting Guardians in space, Raymond noted that there are already a few Space Force service members who have been in orbit, and they give the service a unique perspective.

“They are Guardians that are NASA astronauts: Nick Hague works for me on the Space Force staff, and Mike Hopkins just showed up to work for me on the Space Force staff,” Raymond said. “It’s really cool to have people that have actually been a satellite—that have actually been in the domain—to help us understand it.”

Raymond also acknowledged public interest in the idea of service members actually operating in space. Such a possibility isn’t imminent, but Raymond indicated he thinks it will eventually happen, and not too far down the road.

“I don’t think that that happens in the next one, two, three, four, five years type of deal,” Raymond said. “But I do see a future … as things progress in space, I do see that there may be a role for Guardians that will be in space. So I think that will happen in the .. career timeframe of the Guardians that are coming into service right now.”

Those comments echo some made by the head of Space Operations Command in July 2021. Lt. Gen. Stephen N. Whiting told Air Force Magazine at the time that his message to young Guardians was “if we think about a 20-year career arc, there’s a good chance there will be Guardians either on orbit or transiting through space for some military missions.”

Watch, Read: Leaders of US Space Command, US Northern Command Discuss Threats to the Homeland

Watch, Read: Leaders of US Space Command, US Northern Command Discuss Threats to the Homeland

Retired Lt. Gen. David A. Deptula, dean of the Air Force Association’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies, moderates a panel discussion called, “The Threats Come Home,” with Army Gen. James H. Dickinson, commander of U.S. Space Command, and USAF Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, commander of U.S. Northern Command and North American Aerospace Defense Command, during the AFA Warfare Symposium on March 3, 2022. Watch the video or read the transcript below. This transcript is made possible through the sponsorship of JobsOhio.

Overhead Voice 

Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome back to the stage, the dean of AFA’s Mitchell Institute of Aerospace Studies, Lieutenant General David Deptula.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Hey everybody, if you would please grab your seat and we’ll get started for this next session. Welcome to you all, I think you will find this session particularly interesting as the scale and scope of the challenges facing our nation today are immense. I really don’t have to go into a whole lot of detail on that because anyone reading the news knows that threats hold our homeland at risk today. Peer competitors are building new long-range missiles, cyber weapons, and other means of attack that pose severe challenges to our defenses. Looking abroad, the aggressive moves by not just Russia, but China also to seize territory and destabilize our allies and partners continue to menace our collective security. Now, just like space, we used to think of our homeland as a sanctuary. Well, that’s no longer the case. It’s crucial that we look to leverage a combination of existing and emerging technologies, allied partnerships, and forward-looking operational concepts to keep our nation safe. 

So with that as context, let me introduce our two panelists for this session, who will be joining us virtually — it truly is the information age. As the commander of US Northern Command and North American Aerospace Defense Command, General Glen VanHerck leads the organizations with primary responsibilities for homeland defense and aerospace warning. Prior to assuming this role, General VanHerck served in multiple leadership positions, including most recently as director of the Joint Staff at the Pentagon. General James Dickinson is the commander of US Space Command, the 11th and most recently established unified combatant command. General Dickinson has had a lengthy career in army artillery and air defense, and has previously served as the commanding general of the Army’s Space and Missile Defense Command. So welcome, gentlemen. It’s really a pleasure to have you join us today, even though it is electronically. And what I’d like to do is start off by giving General VanHerck the floor, followed by General Dickinson, for some opening thoughts on defending our homeland in an era of renewed great power competition. So General VanHerck, you’ve got the stick.

Gen. Glen VanHerck 

Thanks, General Deptula. And give me a thumbs-up. Can you hear me OK?

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Can you hear him in the audience? I think we need to raise the volume. If you can hear us in the back, raise the volume.

Gen. Glen VanHerck 

I’ll keep talking. Can you hear me better now?

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Yeah, we’ve got you good now.

Gen. Glen VanHerck 

OK. Thanks, General Deptula. Let me thank the Air Force Association in general, General Wright and yourself, for all your support to all our Airmen, Guard, excuse me, Guardians around the world. I apologize I’m not there with you in person. Business got in the way, let’s just say that, and I had to stay here in DC for some meetings today. But the theme of what you’re talking about today, threats come home, couldn’t be any more timely, candidly. You know, it’s something that we’ve been talking about it NORAD and NORTHCOM for at least the 18 months, I’ve been commanding, and the predecessors as well. And both China and Russia have done us a lot of favors. And unfortunately, they’ve done some favors, starting with their January, or rather July Fractional Orbital Bombardment, delivery of the HGV. And now with what Russia is doing, it’s got everybody’s attention, especially for the threats of the homeland. And so that’s helping move that ball down the field.  So what’s really different today, when you look at the strategic environment? Well, the competitors, the strategic competitors we face today, have watched our way of projecting power for at least two decades, if not longer than that. And they understand if we’re allowed to project that force forward, that won’t turn out well. So they’ve developed capabilities below the nuclear threshold, to hold us at risk with the idea that they can delay. disrupt our force flow or destroy our will, so that we don’t project power into a regional crisis or a regional conflict.

And my concern with that, is they’re eroding our decision space and our deterrence options from the homeland especially. And it’s decreasing our senior leaders’ decision space. And what I worry about that is, the risk of strategic deterrence failure goes up dramatically. I’ll be happy to talk specifics on that. I’m not going to go into threat, I think everybody understands it. What I would just say is the threat today demands that we think differently about how we’re going to defend the homeland. And you don’t have to put a Patriot or THAAD on every corner and have batteries all over the place. It’s figuring out what we must defend that could bring us to our knees in a crisis or conflict. And that’s not my decision. That’s a policy decision that we’ve been working on for a while to get. And that’s a broad decision across the interagency, in my mind. It requires some significant analysis and linking of, what are those key critical infrastructure areas that we need to focus on? And why do we need to focus on it. Is it to protect our finance capability? Is it to protect energy and economics? Is it to protect foreign power projection? And we’re working through that now. And there’s obviously a sense of urgency to figure that out. But what it forced us to do at NORTHCOM and after I got into command was come up with a couple of different strategies, if you will. We had two strategies, actually a NORAD strategy and a NORTHCOM strategy, and General Deptula, I merged those to a single strategy, because the commands are absolutely inseparable. I, and now we, have a single strategy. And that strategy actually focuses on integrated deterrence. And so my strategy was doing integrated deterrence. And I think you’ll see the National Defense Strategy as well, we’ll focus heavily on integrated deterrence and campaigning. And that’s where we need to be. So we do need to figure out what we must defend. But also, we need to focus on that strategy that demonstrates integrated deterrence. And what is that?

Well, I don’t think there’s a common lexicon or understanding of what integrated deterrence really is. So I’ll just tell you what I think it is. It’s the influence of every lever that we have, not only here in the department, but across the entire interagency. It’s with our fellow combat commanders, it’s with our fellow allies and partners, and that in every operation activity, investment and exercise, whether that be under COCOM authority, whether that be in service authority, has a deterrent value when messaged properly. Services have deterrent value as they build readiness when messaged properly and we demonstrate readiness and capability. And so I think our allies and partners are absolutely asymmetric advantages as well, as we do theater security cooperation with allies and partners just as much. Now the Western Hemisphere is crucial, it hasn’t gotten a lot of attention. But I will tell you that China and Russia are actively seeking supporters in the Western Hemisphere and campaigning. And those operations, activities and investments are crucial to us in the Western Hemisphere. So I believe, to be able to execute the National Defense Strategy, and to campaign like I’m talking about, requires us to get further left and think more about creating options in decision space, rather than reacting to threats in the homeland. We need to be able to react sooner and forward and generate a doubt in their mind about ever being successful in striking into our homeland. And that requires domain awareness. My top priority is domain awareness. It’s about having data and information from undersea to on orbit and everything in the middle and taking that data, analyzing it sooner than we do today. It’s using machines, it’s using artificial intelligence to give options to our key senior leaders in a timely manner, so that they can focus on deterrence and de-escalation if required and defeat if required.

I rely on Jim Dickinson significantly for domain awareness. SPACECOM is crucial, as is US Space Force and the United States Air Force. My missions, especially threat warning and attack assessment, Jim Dickinson provides that for me. My missile defense capabilities, SPACECOM provides much of that for me. So we’re tied together very closely to make sure that we get after the problems that I’m talking about. My ultimate goal is to focus on getting further left and campaigning and leveraging every opportunity that we can. What I would also tell you is the basics that I do, such as hurricane response, wildfire response, even COVID pandemic, every one of those, when you demonstrate readiness, resiliency, capability, responsiveness, when messaged correctly, has a deterrence value. And we need to think more about those things. The ability to react in this nation and respond is amazing. And so I’m looking forward to continuing to work with the services etc. to get more of that going. And if deterrence fails, I just tell you, my homeland defense design starts with my fellow combatant commanders forward and allies and partners, I need to generate effects forward in their AORs before they become a threat here in the homeland. And so I’m going to rely on General Wolters, I’m going to rely on Admiral Aquilino, to ensure those threats don’t actually come to the homeland. But if they do, we’ll figure out what must be defended. And so this requires culture shift. It requires everything we think about from a planning aspect to be globally integrated. There is no regional fight. They’re all global in nature. They’re all-domain in nature. It also requires us to think about homeland defense and the risk of strategic deterrence failure before we ever enter into any ladder of escalation. We’re on a ladder of escalation right now, General Deptula, and the discussion for potential escalation and de-escalation is a crucial part of where we are right now. And so I’ll pause there, and let General Dickinson go, and I look forward to any questions.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Thanks very much. Over to you, General Dickinson.

General Jim Dickinson 

Hey, good afternoon. Great to see General Deptula, and thank you for that always kind introduction and moderating the panel today. And I would be remiss if I didn’t give a shout out to Lieutenant General Wright for the invitation as well. And I think maybe today, somebody told me in my J-2 that it might be his birthday today. So happy birthday to General Wright. And then really AFA at large for again, inviting me to speak at this gathering today. So I think it was 21, September 2021, I think I was invited there. And I spent most of my time talking about how US Space Command became IOC. So I think today’s panel, though, is very appropriate with the threats come home. You know, this may seem a little bit counterintuitive, given my AOR that begins at 100 kilometers above the earth and goes out indefinitely. But everything US Space Command does every day is ultimately about national defense, defense of the homeland and defense of our allies. So for a few minutes here, I’m going to explain what I what I’m talking about in three parts. One is our role in integrated deterrence in today’s strategic environment, and mission and capability synergies between Glen and myself. So first, I think Glen did a great job with the integrated deterrence piece. I would just add to that, that integrated deterrence I feel is a whole of government approach. So unlike the Cold War, the threat is no longer clear and consistent. It’s important to leverage all levers of national power to deter. And quite frankly, it is the essence of Secretary Austin’s direction that he gave us in July of 21, which was to improve our capabilities, understand regional security and grow our partnerships. Really, the change was to widen the aperture of deterrence from simply military to the other levers of national power. And US Space Command, quite frankly, has been doing exactly that since we stood up back in August of 2019.

So how does US SPACECOM meet the SecDef’s guidance? Well, one is we counter competitor influence, we strengthen our relationship and try to attract new partners. And then we build and maintain a competitive advantage. This is all in concert with the SecDef’s vision for integrated deterrence by integrating both pre-existing and existing systems, and aiming to set requirements to field new capabilities, leveraging organic capabilities of our allies, mission partners and other combatant commands, which takes a lot of time but is a very worthwhile endeavor. We tailor to a region security landscape via our supporting role to the other combatant commanders. And I can explain a little bit later in the Q&A how we do the integration with other combatant commands. And really at the end of the day, is our supporting functions which I call the blocking and tackling functions like PNT, missile warning and satellite communications. We strengthen our relationships and attract new partners by expanding our allies and partners through agreements and campaigning.  Right now the command has about, is partnered with about 29 nations, two IGOs, and 109, yes, 109 commercial companies that benefit from technical, we both benefit from technical and regional expertise. So these efforts formed the foundation of the military space enterprise contributions, I think, to the integrated deterrence, and in particular homeland defense. So space capabilities, I think this crowd, this audience would agree, are absolutely linked to not only US military, but the US wellbeing as a society and quite frankly, the global society. So why is this so important? Well, I think the threats are indeed coming home, as the theme for this panel. And so when I look at today’s strategic environment, I think what’s important is that deterring conflict in space is critical to deterring threats to our homeland. Threats to our interest in space constitute threats to our homeland. Really our modern way of life so depends on space, that a loss of space capabilities challenges that very way of life in almost every manner. And this critical domain is becoming even more competitive, contested and congested. So space is competitive. I think people would agree with that, because it is competitive, making a powerful aspect of integrated deterrence.

It’s part of almost every aspect of modern life, from filling up your gas pump to getting money out of the ATM, to checking the weather, quite frankly, on your app as you go to work or come home for work. It’s also key in how the US and our allies conduct operations. Without satellite communications and position, navigation and timing, the ability to conduct operations is heavily degraded if not impossible. Space is becoming an ever more valuable global commodity. And we must deter a war in the domain to protect our free and open access to those capabilities. So space is congested, making norms of responsible behavior through an integrated approach very critical. And what I mean by that is ensuring that we have an established norms of behavior so that we can conduct operations in space and have open access to that. And the Secretary of Defense has charged me to do that for the Department of Defense through a memo that he gave to me, or to the department, back last July. Decreasing costs of access to the domain and the global realization of its use in commerce, I think we can agree. Science and environmental minor monitoring have spurred a massive boom, and I think in a very good way. Let me give you an example. A legacy Delta IV heavy launch is roughly anywhere between $350 and $400 million, depending on a payload, the orbit it’s going to, while a comparable today, SpaceX Falcon Heavy launch is anywhere between $130 and $150 million. So that’s a drastic reduction in cost based on a great commercial market that’s able to leverage the economies of scale from a few spacefaring nations I’ll mention. About 60 years ago, there were just a handful of them. There are now over 16 active and seven of which have actually put probes to Mars. And this has increased, as you can see, congestion.  So when I came to the US Space Command in 2019, I’ll give you a comparison, we tracked about 25,000 objects on orbit. When I assumed command a year later, that number was just about 31,000. When I was with you last year at AFA, it was about 35,000. And as I’m here today with all of you, it’s about 44,000. So that just shows you in a comparative status, how congested it has become.

Space is contested as well. Our competitors, chief among them, China and Russia, seek to challenge our very superiority in that domain. China, for example, is and we all recognize this, is our pacing challenge. China has fielded their BeiDou constellation, their own alternative GPS. That constellation is now operational. China is also rapidly advancing its space intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capability to compete with our information dominance in that domain. On orbit threats, China has, as has employed a dual-use capable experiment called the SJ-17 and the SJ-21, that can be used for grappling and disabling other satellites, a dual-use capability. And then from the terrestrial piece, terrestrial space weapons, both China and Russia have employed terrestrial weapons that threaten the use of that domain. So you can just see that the over the course of the last five or 10 years, they an absolute proliferation in the space domain, whether it’s contested, congested in that way. So just let me finish up real quick because I’m running out of time here, just kind of the some of the synergies between US SPACECOM and US Northern Command. So I think it’s fitting that Glen is here with me today, and I appreciate him being with me on this panel. But we really have a lot of synergies between each other. We share the imperatives to deter, detect and defeat threats to the homeland. We operated in a supporting and supported roles to one another. Missile warning and Missile Defense provide a good example of those mutually supported and supporting roles in the event of a missile threat. For example, to the homeland, US Space Command supports NORAD and NORTHCOM by providing early rapid and accurate missile warning data via our on-orbit assets as well as our radars and electro-optical sensors around the world. Glen VanHerck and his folks also support us Space Command in our global sets and roles and missions with contributing sensor data to the space domain awareness mission and to the support of the first Air Force components that support human spaceflight, spaceflight support, and quite frankly, defending the homeland, which gives us a stable base to ensure resilient modes of operation. So I’ll pause there for the Q&A. But again, thanks General Deptula for having me today.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Well thank you both for those comments and also for what your teams are doing to keep our country safe. So, let’s dig a little bit deeper into some of these subjects. The first question I have for you is for both of you. General VanHerck touched just a bit upon it. But with the emergence of new Long Range Strike weapons, like hypersonic glide vehicles, plus air- and sea-launched maneuverable weapons, what is NORAD, NORTHCOM and US SPACECOM doing to collaboratively meet this threat? Clearly, these kinds of weapons present major implications for our homeland.

Gen. Glen VanHerck 

Thanks for the question, General Deptula. We talked, as you said, a little bit about it. It goes back to domain awareness for me. And General Dickinson provides that domain awareness for the threats that you’re really talking about. And we have to go to space much sooner than we are today. For me to be able to detect hypersonics whether they come from space, or whether they come from a cruise missile that’s a hypersonic cruise missile, and the capabilities we have, we’re gonna have to go into space to provide my threat warning and attack assessment much sooner. General Dickinson has embedded teams in all the combatant commands, JIST teams, I forget what the exact acronym stands for, to be part of each combatant command and their requirements. I worked closely with General Raymond as we were developing the budget and where they’re going for space. And I will tell you that I work the same with General Dickinson, I support where Space Force is going, we need to accept some risk near term to get to space sooner to get after the threats that you described. Other things we’re doing, over the horizon radar capabilities. Over the horizon radar capabilities just don’t benefit me from a domain awareness from maritime domain, from air domain; they also benefit the space domain awareness for tracking and backup and give additional capability to detect those threats that you just talked about. And so I’m encouraged when the budget comes out with where we’re going, I think you’ll see us advance our domain awareness capabilities quite a bit. The final thing I’ll say is, we’re sharing data and information back and forth from sensor capabilities, as we do through our global information dominance experiments, to give us an all-domain global picture, and partnering with SPACECOM to do that is crucial. So folks around the globe can have an integrated all-domain picture. I’ll pause there.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

General Dickinson?

General Jim Dickinson 

Hey, absolutely. So it’s joint integrated space team. So that’s the JIST. And we have one at every one of the other 10 combatant commands that serves as our liaison integration plug, if you will, into each of the combat commands. And that’s what we have with Glen right now. From a sensor manager perspective, you know, that is one of my UCP responsibilities. And what we do with that, and we’ve been doing it over the last couple years is, how do we take the existing sensor network that we had back in 2019 — which was, quite frankly, you know, some of those geographic sensors that we have around the world plus the ones that we’ve, we have on orbit — and how do we add to that? How do we self-admit that. And so we’ve been looking at sensors that haven’t traditionally been used for space domain awareness, for example, in a role of space domain awareness. So we’ve taken some missile defense sensors that have typically, as I said, not been part of our integrated approach. And we are starting to integrate them into a sensor network that provides us a common operating picture that gives us much more fidelity. So sensors like TPY-2s, BMD ships, those types of sensors, we’re looking to how do we bring those together, put them into an architecture, integrate them to increase battlespace awareness. That is my number one priority within the command, is how do I increase my battlespace awareness? In particular, how do I look at the space domain. Part of that, I’ve got a responsibility to give that to the other combatant commands, in particular Glen VanHerck, in terms of a missile warning missile defense capability. So these sensors that we’re bringing on, we’re making the best use of the sensors we currently have in the Department of Defense around the world. And then we’re looking at the future of that. So what requirements do we need to put in addition on those sensors that we have today? And then what sensors do we need in the future to increase our battlespace awareness, space domain awareness, missile warning and missile defense?

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Well, very good. Thank you both. Now, when thinking about Homeland Defense, the mental image that people tend to have is a ICBM or bombers racing over the North Pole. But another increasingly common threat today in our information age are cyber attacks. General VanHerck, I’ve heard you talk about the Colonial Pipeline cyber attack as an example of the need to expand our definition of what constitutes homeland defense. And General Dickinson, you’ve pointed out that there’s no operating in space without cyber. How are you both addressing the increasing threats in the cyber domain? And how are you partnering with US Cyber Command in this area?

Gen. Glen VanHerck 

You want me to go first? OK. That’s a great question. And it’s really on everybody’s mind, the secretary, the chairman, right now. You know, once we started getting intel, back last fall on what was ongoing, we started building partnerships and relationships. One of the first things I did, by the way, when I took the command was the need for a joint operation center. Believe it or not, I was the only combatant commander who didn’t have a joint operation center. And so I’ve stood up a joint operation center. The reason we didn’t is because nobody would believe you’d fight in and from the homeland. Well, the bottom line is that joint operations center is stood up now. And we’re building relationships. We’re building those relationships with CYBERCOM. But probably more importantly, from a broader homeland defense perspective is, we’re building those relationships with CISA. Under DHS and director Easterly, we’ve connected all those ops centers together, we’ve gone through the processes for, how do you identify a cyber attack in the homeland. That’s evolved in conference; General Nakasone, as the commander of CYBERCOM, has a responsibility for declaring an attack in the cyber domain. And I have the responsibility which would be done through a [inaudible] conference for a domestic attack and attack on our homeland. I think it’s crucial to point out who’s responsible for truly defending the homeland in the cyber domain. And General Nakasone is responsible for the DODIN only. General or Director Easterly is responsible for federal networks outside of the DODIN. Everybody else is kind of a volunteer play if you want to play. That’s where my most concern is. And what I’m doing is, we’re working through what’s called a unified command or coordination group right now, to define what are those key critical infrastructure pieces that must be defended, and apply resources? Now I tell you, we don’t have the authorities in DOD to do those kinds of things outside of there. So there’s some policy things we have to go look at. In addition to that, Dave, I would tell you, that we may not go look at law. So for example, one of my challenges is domain awareness in the homeland, in the cyber domain, to understand. But the laws don’t allow you to collect intelligence within your own homeland to know what pieces of key and infrastructure might be vulnerable. And so we’re building those relationships not only through Congress, the National Security Council, but with CISA and Cyber Command. I’ll stop there. General Dickinson?

General Jim Dickinson 

Hey, great. So great question. And I would just say we we have the advantage that when we stood up two years ago, August 2019, we put a lot of thought in how we were going to grow and incorporate integrate cyber into the command from the very beginning. And I’ll give you a couple of examples. One is, we’ve just recently stood up our joint cyber center. And we made a deliberate decision to put that in order under our director of operations, or J-3. And that has worked out very well with us in terms of integrating ops and cyber defense, right within the headquarters, right within that JADO directorate, that also has a plug from General Nakasone, from the US CYBERCOM IP, or integrated planning element, that’s baked into that organization as well. The other advantage that the command has had is, as we have received our service components from each of the respective services, two of those service components are dual-hatted. So my MARFORCYBER is my MARFORSPACE. So Major General Ryan Heritage is dual-hatted as both component to Paul Nakasone, as well as the component to me. As well as Vice Admiral Ross Myers, who’s the NAVCYBER and NAVSPACE commander. And so he also has a dual hat to Paul Nakasone and myself. Those relationships there just breed, if you will, a good synchronization of space and cyber, really in a hand in glove type of relationship. So that I think that gives us the greatest synergy, if you will, in terms of bringing that together. There has been some good work within my Space Operations Command or my SPOC, which is my space service component in terms of standing up CSPs and making sure that we have good defense of our critical space infrastructure, space architecture. So I think in the command right now, we’re moving towards having that as a very synchronized effort within the command. And we’ve got some other things going on, but for for sake of time, I’ll pause there.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Well, thank you both. Now, this one’s for General VanHerck. We’ve consistently heard from our senior leaders, including this morning, that China is the department’s pacing threat. But if nothing else, the situation in Ukraine is a reminder that the threat posed by Russia isn’t going away anytime soon. To that point, General VanHerck, you’ve repeatedly said that Russia is the primary military threat to the US homeland today. So how do we simultaneously address the threats posed by both Russia and China, from a homeland defense mission vantage?

Gen. Glen VanHerck 

Thanks, General Deptula. And you’re exactly right. You almost paraphrase my words exactly. But I want to make sure everybody understands that I’m on board: China is the pacing threat. China is the long-term existential threat there, they’re a then threat. Russia is a now threat in the military dimension to the homeland, because of the conventional capabilities that hold our homeland at risk, so we have to deal with both of them. The first thing I would tell you is, we must fund and upgrade the nuclear triad. The foundation of homeland defense is our strategic deterrent. And we cannot let that. When you talk about nuclear nuclear powers, you must have a command and control for the nuclear capability, nuclear capabilities across the triad ready to go. We must also maintain credible deterrence options below the nuclear threshold, so they won’t exploit those. That’s where I go back to the need to campaign and have options that create doubt that they could ever be successful by striking our homeland, whether that be kinetic or non kinetic, and the capabilities, that’s the integrated deterrence piece that is crucial. I would also tell you, General Deptula, we’ve got to get out of a regional perspective and focusing on China or Russia from a regional perspective. And I believe our plans and strategies must start with global end states where we will accept or not accept global risk, and apply that across the entire force and joint force. Instead, we plan from a regional perspective backwards, and we end up with old plans and campaign plans that consume 100% of the joint force. And so there’s a different model on how we utilize and plan for joint force. And General Brown and I have talked about that, as well. I think that there’s opportunities for GFM reform, and to be when I say GFM, I’m talking global force management, to best utilize the entire joint force to get after two strategic competitors. We can’t impact the force generation models of the services, but during the force generation, I think there’s opportunities to utilize the campaigning or the force generation for campaigning purposes. I’ll pause there and let you move on.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

No, it’s very good. Thank you. General Dickinson, the administration’s space priorities framework was released in December 2021. And it highlighted the need to protect our space-related critical infrastructure. Just what’s the significance of this designation? And what steps are you taking to actively protect space-based critical infrastructure?

General Jim Dickinson 

Well, I think this designation is very significant, and that it underlines the importance that our national level leadership is placing on the space domain and our partners in industry. Other than the steps we are taking in the cyber realm to protect the link portion of our systems, we are improving our protection of our critical ground segments as well. Many of our ground assets, as many know here, especially our early warning radars, are really quite frankly, of the Cold War vintage, and in remote locations all around the world. And so while it’s a challenge, US Space Command partners with its service-side teammates to ensure that these assets are frankly resilient through firmware and supporting infrastructure upgrades. And we are taking increased steps towards protecting and defending those assets on orbit by enhancing SDA through increased collaboration with the intel community industry, and in a very good way through our allies and partners. So let me let me stop there.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Thank you for that. General VanHerck, there’s an increasing emphasis on the Arctic area of responsibility. And to that end, each of the services, as well as the Department writ large, has released an Arctic strategy. However, you also testified that the FY 22 budget did relatively little for the Arctic in terms of providing necessary resources. I guess I’d add, what what else is new? What are some of the key investments and capabilities necessary to maintain a credible defense of the Arctic?

Gen. Glen VanHerck 

Well, the first thing I’d tell you is, I need access to force are ready, trained, equipped to operate in that environment. I’m the only combatant commander who doesn’t have a threshold force and a dedicated capability to operate the environment. Now a lot of people are gonna say, Well, you’ve got 100 5th-Gen fighters in Alaska. No, Admiral Aquilino, has 100 5th-Gen fighters in Alaska, they just happen to be in my AOR. So we’ve got some common-rail challenges that we can sort through there and those fighters are likely to go elsewhere. And so having access to ready and trained forces would help. That’s something I’m working on with the secretary and the chairman. The Arctic, there’s going to be opportunities and vulnerabilities that environmental change is going to create. And so domain awareness, like I talked about is crucial. And that’s the over the horizon radar, it’s undersea surveillance capabilities as well. But do we need infrastructure. Infrastructure to operate in and out of from the Arctic. So as part of NORAD modernization, and … I worked for the Chief of the Defence Staff in Canada, and Canada has to be supportive of the solution as well, to enable us to operate out of locations not only in Canada, but I would say we have to work with the EUCOM AOR to operate out of Thule, Greenland. Why this is important as part of that campaigning plan that I’ve talked about part of integrated deterrence. To be, you know, persistent in the Arctic, you’ve got to have infrastructure and capability, which means comms, you’ve got to be able to communicate really tough north of 65, you got to have fuel. The Navy needs fuel, as does the Coast Guard, we need fuel north of Dutch Harbor to maintain that persistence, those are some of the capabilities that I need, General Deptula.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

OK. General Dickinson, commercial space companies are all the rage nowadays. And they can provide capabilities to the government for a range of national security missions. As commercial entities play an increasingly prominent role in US Space Operations writ large, how do you envision that they could contribute to homeland defense?

General Jim Dickinson 

Well, we really rely on the innovation of the American industrial base, certainly, to answer some of our most pressing concerns. I mean, there are numerous opportunities, but I think from an industry perspective, we really need their help in training our warfighters through modeling and simulation tools and space training and exercise ranges, both physical and virtual. You know, we’ve had a great outpouring, if you will, of commercial companies wanting to integrate be part of the Space Command enterprise, if you will. And we’ve seen such a bow wave of folks come into the CSPOC out in California, they’re at Vandenberg Space Force Base, as well as here in Colorado Springs, and really those two entities, 1, Vandenberg is the satellite communications mission in the partnership that we want to realize through that. And then here in Colorado Springs, quite frankly, through an element we call the JCO here, we’ve got a lot of companies coming … that want to provide and participate in space domain awareness. So it’s really just an overwhelming, you know, outpouring, if you will, of commercial companies wanting to be part of the enterprise. And so what we’re doing right now, so much so that we’ve had to step back for a second and create a new commercial integration framework and a new commercial strategy within the command to address the commercial interest in being part of the part of the team here. So we’re very excited about that. We look forward to it, and we’ll continue to work it.

Lt. Gen. David Deptula, U.S. Air Force Retired 

Well, gentlemen, we’ve come to the end of this session of our aerospace warfare symposium. Thanks to both of you for your comments on these critical issues. And from the discussion today, it’s clear that SPACECOM and NORTHCOM are very fortunate to have you both leading these critical commands today. So on behalf of all of us at AFA, we wish you the very best as you continue to deal with the challenges that affect our homeland. And from those of us at Mitchell Institute, we hope that you have a great aerospace power kind of day.