Air Force Set to Get Rid of Small A-29, AT-6 Fleets, Program Official Says

Aug. 10, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

DAYTON, OHIO—Just over two years ago, the Air Force announced it was buying limited quantities of Textron’s AT-6s and Sierra Nevada Corp.’s A-29s. Now, the service is seemingly set to get rid of the aircraft, most likely in the form of a foreign military sale.

Should such a sale occur, it would mark the end of a prolonged back-and-forth. At the moment, Air Force Special Operations Command and Air Combat Command operate three A-29s and two AT-6s, respectively.

“Right now those will end up being probably declared excess defense articles, and we’ll look for other mission partners that may want to pick those up,” Edward Stanhouse, deputy program executive officer for intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, and special operations forces, told reporters at the Life Cycle Industry Days conference.

Both aircraft were initially proposed as part of the Air Force’s Light Attack/Armed Reconnaissance (LAAR) program that started in 2009. The program eventually fell prey to budget cuts but was revived in 2017 as the Light Attack Experiment program.

The A-29 and AT-6 were both re-entered into the competition and named finalists. In 2020, the Air Force announced it was buying two each of the airframes, followed by the purchase of a third A-29 a few months later.

The AT-6 was used for additional light-attack experiments with the Marine Corps and partner countries, while the A-29 was used as part of Air Force Special Operations Command’s foreign advisory mission. All told, the five planes cost more than $200 million.

“They were used for demonstrations, proof of concept demonstrations by both SOCOM and Air Combat Command,” Stanhouse said.

Those limited purchases, however, fell short of the large-scale procurement program that some wanted, and the Armed Overwatch program, launched by U.S. Special Operations Command, was tasked with identifying a similar light attack/ISR platform. SOCOM selected both the AT-6 and A-29 among the five finalists for the program, but eventually chose the AT-802U Sky Warden.

The last of the three A-29s ordered by the Air Force was delivered in March, while the AT-6s were delivered in 2021. Now, Stanhouse said, they’ll likely be declared “excess defense articles,” a Defense Security Cooperation Agency term for equipment or platforms that are “in excess of the Approved Force Acquisition Objective and Approved Force Retention Stock of all Department of Defense Components.”

As excess defense articles, the aircraft could then be transferred to a foreign government, through either the approval of Congress or the usual Foreign Military Sale process.

“I think the probability is potentially FMS, because we currently have FMS partners who are flying both the AT-6 and A-29. So I think there’s quite a bit of foreign interest,” Stanhouse said.

Indeed, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Nigeria, Indonesia, and the Philippines, among others, all have A-29s in their fleets. Thailand has also ordered the AT-6.

Air Force Was ‘Hyper Focused’ on Cybersecurity for IT Networks. Now Other Systems Need Protection.

Aug. 10, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

DAYTON, Ohio—Looking to address Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall’s operational imperatives, cybersecurity leaders with the Air Force Life Cycle Management Center recently analyzed their networks and systems to see how they would hold up against cyber threats.

The leaders came away with a “sobering” observation: Key IT networks and data centers were secure, but the networks that support base facilities, weapons systems, and infrastructure were less so.

“From a defensive cyber point of view … before we were hyper-focused on information systems and protecting them,” James Robison, materiel leader for AFLCMC’s Defensive Cyber Systems Branch, said in a panel discussion at the Life Cycle Industry Days conference. “Through the work on the operational imperative, it became clear that it was those control systems, weapon systems—we need situational awareness across that entire landscape.”

The importance of cybersecurity beyond IT systems has become a “great concern,” added Danny Holtzman, a cyber technical director assigned to AFLCMC.

“The fact is, the adversary is going to take the easiest path forward,” Holtzman said. “And if they can disrupt our facilities and turn on the fire suppression systems so our stealth fighters are covered with fire suppression material, that doesn’t help us, right? So I think that’s a great concern. We are aware of it. We are trying to work it at an integrated level.”

Certain corners of the Pentagon have been sounding the alarm on the issue for years now, highlighting the fact that as weapon systems and their facilities increasingly leverage new technologies and become connected, they also become potential targets for adversaries. AFLCMC’s work emphasized that those targets need more protection.

“One of those sobering things we found during the operational imperative work was that gap … the disconnect between a lot of the IT and the networks and the data centers that host capabilities that we rely on, [and] the actual base infrastructure and those control systems that are across many of our air bases,” said Brian Kropa, AFLCMC technical adviser for advanced cyber technology.

Experts had several suggestions for how to remedy that gap. On one hand, Kropa noted the importance of protecting the data that feed into systems. Adversaries seeking to disrupt base infrastructure systems could try to manipulate or corrupt data to cause unexpected, disruptive actions.

One of the Air Force’s key efforts in that regard is implementing zero trust, which makes it harder for hackers to move inside a network once they’ve penetrated its walls by interrogating traffic at every juncture as it tries to move inside the network.

“Zero trust is coming along,” Kropa said. “That term can mean many things to many different people. Part of zero trust in my mind is protecting the data and the data integrity piece and building access control into our system. So we really don’t need classification levels anymore or separate infrastructures or air-gapped networks, because we’re really trying to concentrate on the data in and of itself. Much harder problem—it needs a lot of R&D work and a lot of innovation.”

The problem can also be addressed by attacking it early in production cycles, added Matthew Aguirre, technical director of AFLCMC’s cryptologic systems group.

“We have all of these operational activities that need to be supported on the back end. But there’s a lot of processes and activities that happen on the front end, in terms of design, production, provisioning, certification, production, all of these activities,” Aguirre said. “What we’re trying to do as an organization is to think through how we support system concepts through modeling out all of the activities that need to happen in order to support that system. Whether it’s a control system or an operational weapon system, the idea is that we should understand all of the activities that go into producing, delivering, and sustaining capability, and then understanding where those operational activities are, what the inputs and what the outputs look like, what the threats are for each of those operational activities.”

B-52 Will Get at Least One New Designation With Radar, Engine Upgrades

Aug. 10, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

The B-52H will be redesignated the B-52J or possibly B-52K when it gets a new radar and new engines, but the Air Force hasn’t yet decided what will constitute the new B-52 variant, according to Col. Louis Ruscetta, senior materiel leader for the program.

The program has also developed a new estimate of what the re-engining will cost and is about to submit it to Congress, as directed under last year’s defense bill, but Ruscetta said reports of a 50 percent overrun are far overstated. In fact, he said he sees no overruns on the horizon.

The radar and engine program represent “the largest modification in the history” of the B-52, Ruscetta told reporters at Air Force Materiel Command’s Life Cycle Industry Days conference in Dayton, Ohio. The change from B-52G to B-52H in 1961 was mainly the switch to the TF33 engine, but the new package includes radar, engines, communications, pylons, cockpit displays, and the deletion of one crew member station, meaning “it makes sense” to have a new designation, Ruscetta said.

The question is whether there will be two designations, because some of the new APG-79B4 radars will be installed on the bombers before the new Rolls-Royce F130 engines, Ruscetta said. The B-52 pilot operating manual and maintenance manuals will be re-written for the version with the new radar; and will be re-written again when the engines are changed, Ruscetta said.

“What the Air Force, along with Global Strike Command, needs to look at, is how do we define” the new variant, he said. The decision will be made sometime within the next two years, before installations begin, Ruscetta added.

Ruscetta described the new active, electronically scanned array radar as a “game changer” for the B-52, especially as the Air Force migrates toward the two-bomber fleet of B-21s and B-52s. The APG-79 is effectively the same radar as on the export version of the Navy F/A-18 fighter, with the array turned “upside down” so it looks more down at the ground than up at the sky, Ruscetta said.

“We will have fighter-quality radar … to support air-to-ground operations,” he said, and be better able to operate “with other coalition partners” because the bomber will be able to use the same sensor format. It will be able to scan farther, “guide weapons in flight,” and improve the bomber’s situational awareness, he said. The B-52 today is still flying with its 1960s mechanical-scan radar.

The radar mod just passed critical design review “a few months ago, so we are now in the next stage of this program,” he said. That entails “building up the systems integration lab” (SIL) that will vet the radar as it affects the other parts of the B-52, to ensure no harmful or unintended side effects of the new equipment ahead of flight testing. The SIL will be a full representation of the system, minus its cooling equipment.

The new radar will be “segregated” from the B-52’s electronic warfare suite, Ruscetta said, but the new gear takes up less volume than the old and “gives us some growth space” for additional EW functions.

The program office is working on how the installations of the radars, engines, and other gear will be staged. Some bombers will get new radars before they get new engines, but later, when both are available, the preference will be to do the mods together, organically, during regular depot visits, when the aircraft are already “opened up,” Ruscetta said.

“We have an integration team looking at … the dependencies” of all the new equipment from the perspectives of size, weight, and power, Ruscetta said, to fashion the most logical sequence of installations. Minimal downtime is necessary to make sure Air Force Global Strike Command doesn’t dip below the operationally required minimum numbers of bombers.

“We are looking for those friction areas” that could spell logjams in the process, Ruscetta said. “We’re looking to minimize and reduce what could go wrong,” he said, “and if things do go wrong, how can I still operate?”

At some point, there will be an aircraft that will have all the new mods on it, and “we may do some regression testing” at that point, but the goal is to have shaken out any problems before that milestone.

Oklahoma City Air Logistics Complex at Tinker Air Force Base pushes out about 17 B-52s per year, Ruscetta said.

“It does not make sense to have multiple [installation] lines, with multiple aircraft down at once,” Ruscetta said, so the plan is to do as much of the mod as possible at once, during depot.

Flight testing with the new radar will start in late 2025, and the first production versions should be built around the same time. They’ll be installed in early 2027, Ruscetta said, and initial operational capability (IOC) with the radar will consist of 12 aircraft as the required assets available for the declaration. The first aircraft will be operational with the new engines circa 2030.

A major acquisition program doesn’t usually have to submit a Selected Acquisition Report until after Milestone B—and the B-52 Commercial Engine Replacement Program (CERP) isn’t there yet—but the program has developed a cost estimate and submitted it to Headquarters, Air Force, and it will go to Congress “in the very near future,” Ruscetta said.

Reports of a 50 percent increase in CERP costs were “taken out of context,” Ruscetta said. The business case analysis done in 2017 wasn’t comprehensive and didn’t anticipate all the ramifications of the upgrade, and cost-estimating models have been updated. The Air Force used the KC-135 re-engining as its model but is now using the more recent C-5 re-engining as a guide to costs.

“I don’t have one program related to the engine replacement … that is in overrun,” Ruscetta said, “and I don’t foresee an overrun … in the future.”

In a later email, Ruscetta said the program “has seen minor cost growth … of about 12 percent” since the first Air Force independent cost estimate in 2019.

“The FY22 NDAA established a cost baseline for the CERP program using the FY’20 cost estimate. Currently, we have seen estimated growth of 3% from the congressionally mandated baseline.”

The report will “give Congress a full update on the status of the CERP,” Ruscetta said. There has been cost growth discovered due to the complexity of integrating the new engines, controls, and displays needed on the B-52.

“It is more than just new engines,” he said. It’s “new pylons … generators … fuel lines … cockpit displays.” It is “a much bigger effort than just Rolls-Royce.” Boeing is the integrator of the all the B-52 upgrades.

“We just held our engine subsystem preliminary design review at Rolls-Royce … it was a very successful event,” he said, and showed a strong partnership with Boeing. The full system-level PDR will be held later this year. “The design is fairly stable,” Ruscetta said. The engine and radar upgrades were intended to have almost no new development.

The major challenge to program schedule now is not design, but the supply chain, Ruscetta added, “just like any program managing in a … COVID environment.”

Editor’s note: This story was updated at 9:20 p.m. Eastern time to include the Air Force’s estimates of cost growth on the B-52 CERP as well as the required assets available necessary to declare initial operational capability with the new radar in 2027.

Biden Signs PACT Act to Expand VA Coverage for Toxic Exposure, but Some Are Left Out

Aug. 10, 2022 | By Abraham Mahshie

For two decades, veterans of the Global War on Terrorism returned home and ended their service with headaches, difficulty breathing, and gastrointestinal problems related to toxic chemical exposure in the line of duty. Unable to prove their ailments were service related, the Department of Veterans Affairs often denied them coverage.

Thousands of veterans developed rare brain and lung cancers years after service and died, including President Joe Biden’s own son, Beau Biden, who was exposed to toxic fumes from a burn pit in Iraq during service in the Delaware Army National Guard.

After years of wrangling in Congress and more than a dozen failed bills, Biden signed a bill marking the largest expansion of VA health care in 30 years Aug. 10, adding more than 5 million eligible veterans but leaving some waiting up to 10 years for phase-in periods or without coverage for chronic conditions.

“Veterans of the wars of Iraq and Afghanistan did not only face dangers in battle, they were breathing toxic smoke from burn pits,” Biden said before signing the PACT Act into law.

The PACT Act immediately gives 23 conditions presumptive status, making service members eligible for care without proving that brain, respiratory, or other cancers were service-related.

“You could actually see some of it in the air—burn pits the size of football fields, incinerated waste of war such as tires, poisonous chemicals, jet fuel,” Biden said. “A lot of places where our Soldiers were sleeping were literally a quarter mile, half mile away from it. And where they ate their chow. I mean, it was there all the time.”

The Sergeant First Class Heath Robinson Honoring Our Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics (PACT) Act expands eligibility for care to veterans of the Gulf War, to post-9/11 veterans, and to Vietnam veterans exposed to the toxic herbicide Agent Orange.

Post-9/11 veterans will be able to apply for VA care up to 10 years after their service ended. Survivors are eligible for monthly stipends and help with health care, life and home loan insurance, and tuition.

The wife and daughter of deceased Sgt. 1st Class Robinson, Danielle and Brielle Robinson, were on hand for the signing. Brielle, clutching a stuffed animal, stood beside the President as he sat at a desk to sign the PACT Act into law. Biden turned and spoke to her several times before handing her the pen he used to ink the legislation.

VA Secretary Denis McDonough said the law would immediately empower the department to serve many of the millions of claims that have been denied in recent years.

“We encourage anyone who might be eligible for PACT Act benefits to apply right away,” McDonough said, citing the informational website va.gov/pact. “We’ll stop at nothing to make sure every veteran, every family member, and every survivor gets everything they’ve earned, and they deserve.”

‘A 70 Percent Solution’

Stronghold Freedom Foundation board chair and Army veteran Mark T. Jackson told Air Force Magazine that the law will not reach every suffering veteran.

“It’s a 70 percent solution,” said Jackson, who served at Karshi-Khanabad (K2) Air Base, a secret Uzbek staging base for the invasion of Afghanistan where he was exposed to toxins. On a separate tour, Jackson was later exposed to burn pit smoke in Iraq, and he now has chronic illnesses.

“The catastrophic diseases are now presumptive. But a lot of the chronic conditions you still have to kind of fight those piecemeal,” he said. “The folks that are profoundly ill, they’re going to be covered. They’re going to be covered for the first time, and they’ll be covered comprehensively.”

Jackson, who worked for years with congressional staffs on both sides of the aisle, said the bill signed into law by Biden draws on some 15 separate pieces of legislation that have been advocated for by senators including Jerry Moran (R-Kan.), Jon Tester (D-Mont.), John Boozman (R-Ark.), Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), and representatives such as Mark Takano (D-Calif.) and Stephen Lynch (D-Mass.).

“They took every conceivable type of toxic exposure and [gave] at least lip service to a lot of it,” he said.

Post-9/11 exposure sites on the list now include Afghanistan, Djibouti, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Uzbekistan, Yemen, and the airspace above all those locations.

Radiation exposure will now be treated for service members who responded beginning Jan. 17, 1966, and ending March 31, 1967, to the collision of a B–52 bomber and refueling plane that released four thermonuclear weapons in the vicinity of Palomares, Spain. Similarly, those who responded between January 21, 1968, and September 25, 1968, to an onboard fire and crash of a B-52 that caused the release of four thermonuclear weapons near Thule Air Base, Greenland, will have a presumption of coverage. Many more toxic exposure sites are in the new legislation.

Jackson said there are no provisions for surviving family members, birth defects, and many chronic diseases beyond a set list of respiratory disorders.

He added, however, that the bill will mandate that the Department of Defense and VA conduct additional epidemiological studies that could be used in the future to add presumptive diseases to the list.

Stripping out some of the areas of coverage, while delaying eligibility for others, are some of the ways the bill won over budget-conscious Republicans, 41 of whom changed their votes and struck down an earlier version of the bill July 27.

“Money was the big holdup,” Jackson said.

“One of the compromises they came up with was everybody’s not eligible all at the same time,” he added. The number of presumptive illnesses was also limited. “They picked what they felt were either the most profoundly devastating or the most common that could be reasonably affiliated with the burn pits.”

The “phase-in” protocol limits which veterans will have access to VA health care over the next 10 years, making them eligible in two-year increments based on their discharge dates, locations, and toxic exposure risk activity.

“It means that there’s more delay. It means that help is coming, and you can mark your calendar, but you’re not necessarily going to be eligible the day President Biden signs the bill,” he said. “If you’re someone that is not ill yet, or perhaps who becomes ill at some point before your phase-in period, there’s going to be a profound effect because that care won’t be available to you when you need it.”

Jackson said even those veterans who remain outside of the coverage or whose chronic condition are not covered are eligible for toxic exposure screenings to know what ailments they may have. The VA and veterans organizations will be guiding veterans on how they can apply for the coverage.

“One of the larger victories in this is the explicit admission by the government that, yes, these places were toxic, they were dangerous, and they made people sick,” said Jackson. “The bullet moving through a lot of these bodies is disease from the toxic exposure.”

Richardson: TBG and HAWC Can Still ‘Inform’ Other Hypersonic Efforts

Aug. 10, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

The Tactical Boost Glide program and the Hypersonic Air-breathing Weapon Concept still have value, even though the programs they support are either in source selection or flight testing, Gen. Duke Z. Richardson, head of Air Force Materiel Command, said Aug. 10.

The Air Force is pursuing the TBG and HAWC programs jointly with the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency.

Speaking with reporters at the Life Cycle Industry Days conference in Dayton, Ohio, Richardson said the technologies in the AGM-183 Air-launched Rapid Response Weapon (ARRW) and Hypersonic Attack Cruise Missile (HACM) “are mature enough that they don’t require the completion” of the TBG and HAWC.

The ARRW is being readied for an operational flight test by the end of the year, Richardson said. The HACM is set for a source selection in September, with a contractor to be chosen from among Boeing, Lockheed Martin, and Raytheon.

“I do think there’s value in completing” the two hypersonic projects with DARPA, Richardson said.

“We can reduce risk by letting those programs run.” He said there’s a difference between “whether they’re required, or inform” the operational systems. He said the research teams and the companies building the operational missiles are “linked up pretty tight.” The HAWC has had successful test flights in the last year; both with the Lockheed Martin/Aerojet Rocketdyne team and the Raytheon/Northrop Grumman team.

However, Richardson said that continuing the TBG and HAWC will not create leapfrog technologies that will set the stage for future missiles that will go beyond the capabilities of the ARRW and HACM.

Richardson said he’s unconcerned by the test failures that have plagued the ARRW program, or as he called them, “burps.” The Russian invasion of Ukraine and China’s belligerence and technological advancement in recent years have created a greater tolerance for test failures, he said, and even Congress “gets” the need to be able to fail as a way to learn. What’s trying the patience of both Pentagon leaders and Congress is the pace of testing, which Richardson said is too slow, largely driven by lack of range space and test facilities such as wind tunnels.

“I don’t think folks mind failing. I think they just mind four- to six-month gaps between tests,” he said. “The question is … how do we get through failures faster? Because we’re going to fail.” Programs learn from failures, he said; the key is to fail quickly, fix the problem, and press on. With every failure, “we go through a process to figure out why.”

He noted that the Air Force is moving toward using Global Hawk platforms to collect telemetry on hypersonic missile tests rather than use ships for this purpose. This should speed up the process, he said.

Even so, he said “our process is probably a little more deliberate” than “our pacing challenger,” China. “We’re probably not going to have as many failures” as China does, he said. How the Air Force will use hypersonic missiles is also different than how China will employ them, he said, suggesting that a comparison with China in hypersonic progress isn’t meaningful.

Also, ARRW and HACM are different approaches to hypersonic weapons: ARRW is a glider, while the HACM will be an air-breathing system with longer range but can be made smaller than ARRW.

“Their flight profiles are different. Their closing maneuvers are different. The platforms they reside on is different,” Richardson said.

It will be up to “national leaders” to decide if the Air Force needs to choose either the ARRW or HACM.

“I hope not,” he said, indicating a preference to pursue both. But, “it remains to be seen.”

HACM is “trailing a little bit behind” ARRW in the development process, he said.

If ARRW works well in upcoming tests, there will be some “residual missiles” the Air Force will have available for operational use, he said. But, “if we have to burn through the residual missiles, there won’t be.” The Air Force funded 12 ARRWS in the fiscal 2022 budget.

Alaskan Command Girds for Threats

Aug. 9, 2022 | By Amy Hudson

Lt. Gen. David A. Krumm wears multiple hats as the commander of Alaskan Command, United States Northern Command, of 11th Air Force, and of North American Aerospace Defense Command Region, North American Aerospace Defense Command, Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, Alaska. Krumm, who is set to retire in August, has served as the senior military leader in Alaska since April 2020. In a July interview with Air Force Magazine News Editor Amy Hudson, Krumm discussed Arctic training and operations, infrastructure, and the region’s growing importance to the U.S. military, as well as potential adversaries.

Q: With its new F-35s, Alaska now has more fifth-generation combat power than anywhere else in the world. What does this mean for the region, and what changes are you planning for the Joint Pacific Alaskan Range Complex (JPARC) to better train with these more advanced aircraft?

A: The addition of the F-35s … is a mind-meld step in our … nation’s ability to project power all over the Northern Hemisphere. When we look at Alaska from a globe, … what you see is [that from] … anywhere in the Northern Hemisphere, you can get from Alaska really, really quickly. … The location here just creates an ability for our nation to be able to respond almost anywhere in the world, and these aircraft are the most advanced in the world.

The airplanes are very complex. They have incredible sensors. They can shoot weapons that go further faster, and we need an airspace training area that allows our operators to exercise those aircraft to their fullest capabilities. So, we need to continue to build up the JPARC, … [including] increasing the size of the airspace to reflect those better sensors and longer-range weapons as well as improving the threats.

Q: Can you elaborate on the threat updates that you’re looking at with regards to the range?

A: What we’re looking at primarily are the ground threats that our operators can train against. … What are the systems that we can buy that can replicate what our operators will face in conflict? … Technology is moving at an incredibly rapid rate. Our adversaries, potential adversaries at least, are looking at some incredible technological advancements across the electromagnetic spectrum. We just need to not be locked into the past.

… The threat doesn’t have ones or twos of these systems. They have dozens, if not hundreds. So, we need to be able to replicate that. We need an environment that is densely packed with electromagnetic signals and systems that can provide feedback to our operators about when they’re targeted, when they’re vulnerable, and … if the tactics they were doing were correct. I’m pleased with the progress. You always want to go faster, but we are moving at it.

Q: Prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, it was busy forming new military units focused on the Arctic, refurbishing old infrastructure, and building new bases. Where does that stand now?

A: Certainly, the focus of their military operations has been on the invasion of Ukraine. I don’t think there’s any doubt of that, but we haven’t seen them, … take assets or people out of those … areas … [they were] building up, and I think that that’s expected because the Arctic is very, very important to Russia. Depending upon what number you look at, it generates a significant portion of their GDP from materials like petrochemicals and hydrocarbons. … They are committed to securing their interests in the Arctic.

Q: Are you still intercepting the same number of Russian aircraft entering the U.S. Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ)? A few years ago that was a record high.

A: We don’t talk specific numbers because of operational security, but certainly we also do message when we are tracking and or intercepting aircraft that come into our ADIZ, and those have been few and far between of late.

… What I would say is we don’t see any change in their commitment to the Arctic. But it is reasonable to assume that some of the operations that they’ve done in the past have not been conducted of late. And I think it’s important to note, … operations in the Arctic are pretty circular, right? So, … we’ll see increases [in exercises or training] and then we’ll see some lulls. I think it’s too early to tell if this is just one of those standard lulls or if it’s something new.

Q: China obviously is not geographically close to the Arctic but considers itself an Arctic nation. Have you seen any changes there?

A: China, … has proclaimed themselves a near-Arctic nation. … If you’re familiar with Google Maps, you might find some disparities with that statement. Here’s what we know: China continues to have an interest in the Arctic. They use research vessels, which … most likely have a dual civilian and military purpose in the Arctic. They are keenly involved in the Arctic Council, even though they’re only an observer, because they are not an Arctic nation despite what they might want to proclaim. They obviously understand that the Arctic is going to be important to them and to the world in the upcoming future and they want, I believe, to try to influence the governance of the Arctic and how it’s managed.

Q: Last year, Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, commander of U.S. Northern Command, told Congress that Arctic funding was “inching” along. Has there has been progress in this area in FY23?

A: The FY 23 budget isn’t finalized yet, so … it’s too early to declare victory, stalemate, or defeat when it comes to Arctic funding. But I would say that people are recognizing the importance of the Arctic. There are just some incredible competing demands right now, and … funding is not unlimited. It’s going to have to be apportioned to the priorities of our nation. … In order to make different strategies work, you’re going to have to resource them, and if you want to resource those strategies, you’re going to have to take from other areas, and I think that’s the discussion we continue to have.

… What I always like to emphasize is what happens in our Arctic, … we want to be by choice, not by consequence. So, we need to make the right choices about funding the right things in our Arctic strategy, so that we’re not trying to play catch up later on.

Q: This spring you had multiple simultaneous Arctic exercises going on where agile combat employment played a big role. What unique challenges, if any, does ACE present in the Arctic? What have you learned so far?

A: The concept of agile combat employment isn’t only for the Pacific region. The threat is real, and essential bases that are consolidated, are vulnerable now to different types of attack. … Dispersal is going to be a key part for us in future conflict, … and being able to move assets, … to keep your assets protected by surprise, by concealment—you know complicating the enemies’, targeting—that’s going to be a fundamental concept of conflict in the future. …

We’ve learned that organizing, training, and equipping on a regular and consistent basis is going to be key, because you just don’t show up in January in the Arctic and thrive. You’re pretty much just trying to survive, much less thrive. … We know that we need a regular drumbeat of exercising, training, and equipping our forces to work up here. The environment itself is challenging. The cold, the snow, the wind, the weather, are just things that our service members need to experience. … It’s also the equipment because we bring equipment that’s never seen below freezing to Alaska, different things happen, so understanding hydraulics, understanding seals, understanding all the things that the cold weather affects is important for not just the human body but also for the equipment that we use.

Q: Clear Space Force Station, Alaska, received its first Long Range Discrimination Radar in December. Can you talk about the capabilities that brings to the region and where that stands in terms of operational capability?

A: Clear is an important improvement in both domain awareness as well as missile defenses, and I’m excited about what that capability brings for us. The Space Force is running that location, we’re obviously providing support where we can. … Much like real estate, it’s all about location, location, location. Where Alaska sits provides an incredible place for you to be able to detect, track, and engage threats to our homeland. And a Clear provides us those capabilities.

Q: How is climate change impacting all these things that we’ve talked about?

A: The warming rate is two to four time faster [in the Arctic] than the rest of the globe, and what that’s doing is creating a different environment. … It’s really affecting the permafrost, so the ground in which we built and utilize all of our systems … is changing. So it’s going to change the way that we build in the future, and it’s going to probably require us to make modifications to the things that were built in the past. The warmer temperatures are creating less sea ice and that gives us a couple of challenges. … Do you know how when a hurricane comes up from the Caribbean and … goes on the East Coast, and … it’s got like 75 mile an hour winds and everyone’s freaking out in New Jersey and New York? We call that a Thursday up here in the Arctic. When you have less sea ice, now you have the wind and the storms, causing some incredible erosion patterns that we just never really anticipated. Because the open water is there longer, … we’re seeing some erosion rates on the coast of Alaska that are decades further than we thought. … At one of our sites the erosion is already up to what we predicted it would be in 2040. …

A lack of sea ice also is creating opportunities. … If you think about a route from East Asia to Europe, you can save somewhere in the order of seven to 12 days in travel time with a ship sailing from East Asia to Europe. That’s an incredible cost savings for transportation companies, and just one of the reasons that we believe that a few countries like China are looking very closely at the Arctic. The … lack of sea ice … doesn’t make the environment less formidable, but it allows you to have access to some of the resources, … in the form of hydrocarbons, … rare earth metals, minerals, and … fish, … which again, is why I think you see Russia very steadfastly building up this Arctic presence to safeguard what it believes are its national interests.

Q: If erosion is happening so much faster than you anticipated, what does that mean for the radars located along the coast?

A: We’ve already built a number of sea walls and fortified the structures around those radars. … The radars themselves are vitally important to us, but in the future, we’re looking at different technologies, like over-the-horizon radars—those wouldn’t necessarily be built on the coast—to provide us that domain awareness. … We’re not planning on moving any of our radar sites at this time. I think we understand how to protect them with those sea walls … and fortifying them.

Biden Signs Ratification for Finland and Sweden to Join NATO

Aug. 9, 2022 | By Abraham Mahshie

The mood was festive in the packed East Room of the White House on Aug. 9 as President Joe Biden signed the instruments of ratification for the entry of Finland and Sweden into NATO.

The two High North nations had up until months ago remained unaligned and fiercely independent, Biden said, until Russia’s aggression against Ukraine spurred public support for NATO entry.

“I think it’s a pretty big day,” Biden said with a wide smile as he welcomed the ambassadors of Finland and Sweden to the United States to his side to witness the signing.

The President’s signing came after the Senate voted 95-1 on Aug. 3 to approve a resolution ratifying the two countries’ entry into NATO.

Biden invited Swedish Prime Minister Magdalena Andersson and Finnish President Sauli Niinistö to visit the White House on May 19 to set the stage for an invitation by all 30 NATO countries at the Madrid NATO summit in June.

“Putin thought he could break us apart when this all started,” Biden said, referring to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s efforts to divide the alliance with hybrid warfare tactics including misinformation and cutting off vital gas access to parts of Europe.

Putin also warned that, should NATO assets be positioned in Finland and Sweden, he would respond in kind.

“He believed he could break us apart, in my view, weaken our resolve,” Biden said. “Instead, he’s getting exactly what he did not want. He wanted the Finland-ization of NATO. But he’s getting the NATO-ization of Finland, along with Sweden.”

The United States becomes the 23rd country to ratify Finland’s and Sweden’s entries into NATO. Remaining NATO partners required to finalize the process include the Czech Republic, Greece, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Russia-ally Hungary, and disruptor Turkey, which made demands to both ascending countries before allowing the process to continue.

Turkey sells arms to Ukraine, including the unmanned aerial system Bayraktar, which has proven vital to Ukraine’s efforts to destroy Russian tank columns and armored vehicles. Turkey purchased the S-400 missile system from Russia, resulting in its banishment from the F-35 program.

Before Turkey allowed Finland’s and Sweden’s invitations to proceed, Turkish President Recep Erdogan demanded that Finland and Sweden extradite alleged Kurdish terrorists to Turkey, and an agreement was signed between the three parties in Madrid on June 28 to explore the accusations.

None of the remaining hurdles or past contention were mentioned at the White House signing ceremony, only how the two new members would strengthen U.S. security.

“We’re going to be better able to meet the new challenges of a changed European security environment with two strong, reliable, highly capable new allies in the High North,” Biden said, noting how the U.S. and Allies have enhanced deterrence on NATO’s eastern flank.

Both Finland and Sweden participate in multilateral NATO exercises with longtime NATO member Norway, while all three Nordic countries have chosen to fly the F-35.

In a Senior Enlisted Leader International Summit outside Washington, D.C., this month, Sweden briefed 65 participating countries and NATO on how it conducts agile combat employment, or the use of remote bases, in the Arctic. A Finnish defense official similarly told Air Force Magazine that Finland works closely with the U.S. Air Force on developing the ACE concept for the Arctic.

Finland has a 900-mile border with Russia and brings much experience in the realm of defending against hybrid warfare and operating within Russia’s anti-access and area denial bubble.

“Seeking to join NATO, Finland and Sweden are making a sacred commitment that an attack against one is an attack against all,” Biden said, referring to Article 5 of the NATO treaty. “We see all too clearly how NATO remains an indispensable alliance for the world of today and the world of tomorrow.”

Langley Takes Over US Africa Command With Few Resources and Growing Threats

Aug. 9, 2022 | By Abraham Mahshie

Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III swore in Marine Corps Gen. Michael E. Langley to lead U.S. Africa Command in Stuttgart, Germany, in a change of command ceremony Aug. 9. Langley’s swearing-in comes as governments such as China’s and Russia’s increase their influence in Africa and terrorist groups expand in Somalia and from the Sahel to the littoral states.

Langley, the first African-American four-star Marine Corps general, will oversee America’s defense response to the growing challenges in Africa in a resource-constrained environment, defense leaders warned.

“The continent is on the front lines of many of this century’s most pressing threats,” Austin said at the handover ceremony, naming challenges such as terrorism, great power competition, autocracy, mass migration, and food insecurity.

“Violent extremism and instability are also on the rise in the Sahel,” Austin added, citing the expansion of al-Qaida and ISIS.

“Terrorist groups are exploiting weak governance and political turmoil,” Austin said. “These groups have taken thousands of lives, and the havoc that they cause threatens to spill across borders to undermine security in southern Europe and beyond.”

In Somalia, Austin said Langley will face a “more lethal” al-Shabaab terrorist group with its sights set on the U.S. homeland. There, the new AFRICOM commander will oversee the reestablishment of a small U.S. military presence in Somalia to operate intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance platforms and help train Somalia’s elite Danab counter-terrorism force.

In his July 21 confirmation hearing, Langley said AFRICOM does not have enough ISR to fight the growing terrorist threat on the continent.

“ISR is an active deterrent. ISR is the commander’s sense to make sense, and it underpins all activities,” Langley told members of the Senate Armed Services Committee. “Al-Shabaab has increased capacity, and that really is the first ranking as far as affecting U.S. interests and U.S. people. So, they have aspirations for external operations, transnational operations.”

Austin said terrorist groups were expanding across the sub-Saharan region of Africa known as the Sahel, where a decade ago looted arms from the fall of Libya poured across the region, emboldening opposition and terrorist groups.

The United States has coordinated closely with 5,000 ground troops from France’s Operation Barkhane in the Sahel, which was kicked out of Mali in May after a Russian-backed military coup. The Russian mercenary Wagner Group has since expanded its influence and presence with some 1,000 operators.

On an Africa regional trip, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken spoke about the recently released White House sub-Saharan strategy, noting that most countries of Africa are democratically aligned with the United States and that they oppose military dictatorships but require stronger defense forces, a principal mission of AFRICOM.

“The United States recognizes that African countries face real security concerns and that countless communities are afflicted by the twin scourges of terrorism and violence. But the answer to those problems is not Wagner—it’s not any other mercenary group,” Blinken said in Pretoria, South Africa, on Aug. 8. “The answer is working to build more effective, accountable African security forces.”

Nonetheless, State Department restrictions on working with military governments prevent the United States from operating with or helping to train soldiers in three of the five Sahel countries that have been integral to containing terrorists in the region.

Great Power Competition in Africa

The Secretary of Defense said America’s adversaries are contributing to the political instability and breakdown of the rules-based order on the continent.

“The People’s Republic of China is expanding its military and economic footprint—and seeking to build bases in Africa and to undermine U.S. relations with African peoples, governments, and militaries,” he said.

China maintains a naval base in the Horn of Africa country of Djibouti, site of the only U.S. base on the continent. China has also aggressively pursued basing agreements that would give it a major military port on the Atlantic coast.

“Meanwhile, Russia is peddling cheap weapons and backing mercenary forces,” Austin said, referring to the presence of Russian proxy soldiers of the Wagner Group in Mali, Libya, and elsewhere.

“That’s yet another reminder of Moscow’s willingness to sow chaos and threaten the rules-based order,” he added. “It goes far beyond Putin’s reckless invasion of Ukraine.”

Departing commander Gen. Stephen S. Townsend warned that Langley will have to face the challenges with a constrained budget.

“At AFRICOM, there’s a new challenge every day, and we don’t have resources to throw at those challenges,” he said. “So, we have to think.”

In recent weeks, Townsend warned that among Russia’s moves have been providing air defenses to the new military government of Mali.

“America cannot afford to ignore Africa,” he concluded. “A few bucks and a few troops can go a long way in Africa, and I think America can afford that.”

Austin, the first Black Secretary of Defense, also took time to reflect on the historic moment of Langley’s dual achievement as the first Black four-star Marine Corps general and the first Black commander of U.S. Africa Command.

“This is history,” Austin said, after previously joking that Langley grew up in an Air Force family and had wanted to become a fighter pilot prior to joining the Army.

“Gen. Langley, as you stand here today, young Marines around the world are watching, and your extraordinary achievement reminds them that they belong,” he said, as Langley appeared to tear up. “It reminds them that the United States military is deeply committed to making progress and to breaking down barriers and to opening its arms wide to all qualified Americans who hear the call to serve their country.”

In his own brief remarks, Langley thanked his father, retired Air Force Master Sgt. Willie C. Langley, who left Active duty after the passing of Langley’s mother to help raise him and three young siblings.

“When I look at my career, I’m an extension of Master Sgt. Willie C. Langley, of his career,” Langley said. “This one’s for you, Dad.”

Multiple Air Force Units Buy SpaceX’s Starlink Satellite Internet Service

Aug. 9, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

A pair of Air Force units across two major commands have announced plans to purchase services from SpaceX’s Starlink constellation of satellites in low Earth orbit. The contracts come not long after service leaders praised the effectiveness of the satellite internet service in aiding Ukraine against Russia’s invasion.

U.S. Air Forces in Europe-Air Forces Africa contracted SpaceX to use Starlink’s services from August 2022 to July 2023, principally for the 86th Airlift Wing, which is the host unit at Ramstein Air Base, Germany, and its tenant units.

The agreement states that SpaceX will “provide either First-Generation or High-Performance satellite terminals and internet service either static/fixed site or portable/mobile to the terminals enabling users to connect devices to the internet,” according to contract documents published Aug. 4. That internet service will provide low-latency connectivity and download speeds of up to 500 megabits per second.

The sole-source contract is worth a little more than $1.9 million and was not contested because “Starlink is the only LEO constellation communications company that currently provides this commercial satellite solution with services to Europe and Africa,” the documents state.

That same rationale was cited by the 1st Special Operations Contracting Squadron of Air Force Special Operations Command in its contract with SpaceX published Aug. 5.

That contract will also cover a 12-month period, with SpaceX providing five Starlink terminals as well as access to Starlink’s internet services, for “operational evaluation.”

The exact unit that will receive the terminals was redacted from the contract documents, but the 1st SOCONS provides contract support for the 1st Special Operations Wing, one of five wings under AFSOC. The 1st SOW operates everything from CV-22 Ospreys to AC-130J gunships to U-28A Dracos.

The estimated cost of the contract was also redacted.

USAFE-AFAFRICA’s and AFSOC’s moves to purchase commercial satellite internet access come as lawmakers and analysts alike have called for the Department of Defense to rely more on commercial space capabilities for things such as communications and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has helped to highlight some of the areas where commercial capabilities could be useful. Satellite imagery before and during the conflict have shown Russian troop movements and buildups, and SpaceX has made Starlink available for Ukrainians, allowing the country’s government and civilians to more easily communicate despite the chaotic situation on the ground. Founder Elon Musk has even said the constellation has proven resilient against Russian cyberattacks.

“I would … say that commercial space has been very important in providing capabilities that have been helpful to Ukraine,” Chief of Space Operations Gen. John W. “Jay” Raymond said at the Aspen Security Forum in July.

The impact of Ukraine was even mentioned in USAFE’s Starlink contract documents.

“With Ukraine’s operations emergent communication requirement, the communication requirements within and around eastern European areas in support of Ukraine operations expands daily,” the document states. “… Starlink LEO fulfills the requirement of reducing processing times and increases theater based operations on changing requirements and locations.”

At the same time, DOD, led by the Space Force, is still pursuing sizable low Earth orbit constellations of its own. In particular, the Space Development Agency is planning to launch hundreds of satellites as part of Tranches 0 and 1 of its Transport Layer, though those satellites won’t launch until 2023, rolling out over time into 2024.