Concerned Lawmakers Want to Know: How Soon Will the Air Force Replace Old ‘Doomsday’ Planes?

Concerned Lawmakers Want to Know: How Soon Will the Air Force Replace Old ‘Doomsday’ Planes?

With several House Armed Services subcommittees set to allow the Air Force to make cuts to some of its oldest aircraft fleets as part of their 2023 National Defense Authorization Act markups, one airframe in particular—and its delayed successor—is worrying lawmakers. 

The E-4B National Airborne Operations Center, sometimes called the “Doomsday” plane because it is meant to withstand a nuclear attack and keep the government running from the air during a crisis, has been flying since the 1970s. The Air Force has been contemplating a replacement since 2019.

However, the search for the replacement, dubbed the Survivable Airborne Operations Center, has been delayed several times, and the Air Force said in early 2022 that the program is still “in the very early stages of development.”

In its 2023 budget request, the Air Force asked for some $203 million in research, development, testing, and evaluation for the SAOC, up from roughly $95 million in 2022 and $50 million in 2021. And in the years ahead, funding is expected to grow, projected in the Future Years Defense Program to swell to nearly $610 million in 2024 and $856 million in 2025.

The HASC subpanel on strategic forces, however, is “concerned” by what it sees as slow progress and by the E-4’s “availability and capability,” it wrote in its mark of the 2023 NDAA.

To do something about it, the subcommittee is proposes requiring report from the Air Force on its plan to sustain the NAOC and field the SAOC.

“This is a continuing concern based off of how long it’s taken to get a replacement program on record. So, at this point, we’re concerned about how long the NAOC is going to be able to hold on and when the SAOC is actually going to be up and in place,” a committee aide told reporters in a background briefing June 7. “So that is just kind of continuing to want to get more information from the Air Force about when that capability is, what its characteristics are for the SAOC, and also what the transition plan is and how we’re going to sustain the NAOC as long as we need it.”

Another aide noted bipartisan interest in getting more information on the issue.

Air Force Safety Command

Another area of bipartisan interest is safety. Congress included a number of safety provisions in the 2022 NDAA, including the creation of a DOD-wide safety council.

Accidents involving military vehicles, especially in training, have accounted for thousands of military deaths in the past several decades, research has found, leading to Congressional hearings on the topic.

Now, the House Armed Services readiness subcommittee is looking to expand its safety efforts in the 2023 NDAA, including a mandate in its markup that would require the Air Force to establish an Air Force Safety Command, led by at least a two-star general.

Air Force Safety Command would be responsible for “the formulation of safety policy, the development of risk management strategies, the monitoring of risk adjudication processes, [and] the provision of safety-related training,” according to the bill’s language. It does not, however, clarify whether the Safety Command would be equivalent to the Air Force’s major commands.

At the moment, the Department of the Air Force has the Air Force Safety Center, which “develops, implements, executes and evaluates Department of the Air Force aviation, occupational, weapons, space and system mishap prevention and nuclear surety programs and policy.” The center is commanded by a two-star—currently, it is Maj. Gen. Jeannie M. Leavitt. Included in the NDAA markup is a provision that elements such as the Safety Center be transferred to the new Safety Command.

The Naval Safety Center has already transitioned to become the Naval Safety Command, providing it with increased authorities.

New F-35 Sustainability Review Ordered by HASC Readiness Panel

New F-35 Sustainability Review Ordered by HASC Readiness Panel

The U.S. comptroller general, who oversees the Government Accountability Office, would assess sustainability challenges of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter and report back to Congress by March 2023 under a House Armed Services subcommittee markup of the fiscal 2023 National Defense Authorization Act.

The readiness subcommittee tasked the comptroller general, Gene L. Dodaro, with what amounts to a lessons-learned evaluation of how well F-35s have fared when deployed—as well as how the left-behind aircraft in their units do during those deployments—to assess the adequacy of spare parts and other elements of the F-35 support enterprise.

The subcommittee has been vocal about its displeasure with F-35 sustainment costs and availability rates. Panel chair John Garamendi (D-Calif.) has pledged to fight hard to block his colleagues from adding more F-35s than the Pentagon asks for, noting that adding aircraft before the support enterprise is ready for them only worsens the readiness problem. Congress has added a dozen aircraft to the Air Force’s F-35 request for several years running.

The committee noted “sustainment challenges” with the F-35, “including problems associated with the global supply chain and the F-35 logistics software,” which is transitioning from the Autonomic Logistics Information system (ALIS) to the Operational Data Integrated Network (ODIN).

It’s essential that lessons be captured from Air Force F-35A deployments to the Middle East and Navy/Marine Corps cruises with the F-35B/C on amphibious ships and carriers, and longer-term Marine operations with the F-35B in Japan, the panel said, and it wants the comptroller to conduct a “comprehensive” review of “operational capabilities and challenges” of the F-35.

Specifically, the comptroller would examine:

  • whether the F-35 met expectations when deployed.
  • whether the F-35 experienced sustainment challenges when deployed.
  • whether current stocks of spare parts and consumables were adequate to unit needs when deployed.
  • challenges of “operating and maintaining F-35s that remain at the air bases or stations from which F-35s are deployed” and
  • “any other topics” relative to operating the fighter that the comptroller thinks are relevant.

The comptroller would brief the committee on these matters by March 1, 2023, and the committee would decide at that point how it wanted a report structured to capture the findings.

The military services requested fewer F-35s in the fiscal 2023 budget than they have in recent years. The Air Force has said it prefers to reduce the buy in the near term and accelerate it once the F-35 Block 4 model—which will have numerous improvements—is in production, in the 2024-2025 timeframe.

The services’ reduction in the planned buy is one reason cited for a long delay in striking a deal for Lots 15-17 of the F-35, the Joint Program Office said. A handshake deal was expected as early as October 2021 but is now more than seven months late as the JPO and F-35 prime contractor Lockheed Martin negotiate over higher costs also having to do with unprecedented inflation and supply chain issues.

Both Lockheed Martin and the JPO have warned over the last year that unit prices for Lot 15-17 will be higher than the $79.2 million per copy price in the last lot; and that a nearly 10-year pattern of year-over-year F-35 unit cost reductions has come to an end.

USAF’s Plan to Cut Most of Its JSTARS Fleet Gets Support in Congress

USAF’s Plan to Cut Most of Its JSTARS Fleet Gets Support in Congress

The Air Force’s plan to retire most of its E-8C JSTARS fleet took another step toward reality with help from a congressional panel. The House Armed Services tactical air and land forces subcommittee unveiled its markup of the fiscal 2023 National Defense Authorization Act on June 8.

A provision included in the markup amends the 2019 NDAA by removing a section, which included several requirements meant to protect the JSTARS, or Joint Surveillance Target Attack Radar System, fleet from a quick retirement.

One such requirement was that the Air Force maintain at least six E-8s “for allocation to the geographical combatant commanders through the Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance Global Force Management Allocation Process” until the fleet is entirely retired.

Keeping the requirement would block the divestments the Air Force asked to make as part of its 2023 budget request. The service wants to retire eight of 16 remaining E-8s by the end of fiscal 2023 and another four by the end of 2024, leaving just four planes, short of the six required by law.

The HASC subcommittee’s proposal is to eliminate that requirement completely, seemingly clearing the way for the Air Force to proceed with its divestitures.

The reduction of the JSTARS fleet is necessary, Air Force officials have said, because the aging airframe is not survivable in a high-end conflict—”they’d be gone in a minute,” Maj. Gen. James D. Peccia III, deputy assistant secretary for budget, told reporters in March.

However, some observers have expressed concern that in looking to retire most of the fleet before replacement systems such as space-based ISR are ready, the Air Force will create a gap in capabilities. Air Force leaders say they should be able to manage that gap.

The E-8C isn’t the only Air Force fleet poised to take a cut in the 2023 NDAA. The HASC subcommittee on seapower and projection forces included provisions in its markup that would let the Air Force cut its tanker fleet down to 466 aircraft and its C-130 fleet down to 271.

Reviews and Reports

In addition to the eliminated requirement, the tactical air and land forces subcommittee included a number of reviews and reports that it wants the Air Force to conduct in the coming months.

Among them:

  • A study “on the requirements for the Air Force combat search and rescue mission to meet the objectives of the most recent National Defense Strategy.”
  • A report “on the required timelines to achieve a fieldable and relevant unmanned autonomous system to team with and augment the current and future piloted aviation force.”
  • A report “on any plans to include autonomy software in [the] … next generation air dominance family of systems initiatives.”
  • A report “regarding the planned reduction of advanced training aircraft capacity.”

Pairing unmanned autonomous systems with manned platforms has been a high priority for Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall, who has endorsed the idea of such aircraft for both fighters and bombers.

In its markup, however, the committee expressed concerns “with the current pace of efforts and the cost goals recently announced” by Kendall, noting that previous efforts in autonomous aircraft have shown progress but never progressed to actually fielding new capabilities; and registering doubt that such platforms could reach Kendall’s goal of costing at least half of other manned platforms.

The committee also raised doubts about the Air Force’s plans to transition to a smaller training fleet as it switches from T-38s to T-7s, saying it needs more details “to understand the underpinning analysis that justifies replacing 422 T-38C aircraft with just 350 T-7 aircraft.” As part of the report, the committee is asking whether the planned reduction would have a negative effect on pilot training and its effect on operational or training safety.

Cotton Nominated to Lead US Strategic Command, Two New Leaders Tapped for MAJCOMS

Cotton Nominated to Lead US Strategic Command, Two New Leaders Tapped for MAJCOMS

Less than a year after he was nominated to head Air Force Global Strike Command, Gen. Anthony J. Cotton is in line for another promotion, as President Joe Biden has nominated him to be the next leader of U.S. Strategic Command, the Pentagon announced June 8.

If confirmed, Cotton would succeed Adm. Charles “Chas” A. Richard in commanding STRATCOM, which is responsible for strategic deterrence, nuclear operations, joint electromagnetic spectrum operations, and missile defense, among other mission areas.

Cotton’s confirmation would also cap a whirlwind period for the trained missileer. In June 2021, he was deputy commander of AFGSC, second to Gen. Timothy M. Ray, when he was tapped to take over the major command. He was quickly confirmed to that post and took over from Ray in August, pledging to guide AFGSC through a critical moment as both of its legs of the nuclear triad undergo modernization efforts.

At the same time, Cotton has had to contend with China’s aggressive development of its nuclear arsenal. Richard, who he is set to replace, referred to that growth as “breathtaking” and a “strategic breakout.”

Most recently, Russia has engaged in nuclear saber-rattling over its invasion of Ukraine, raising fears that it could be setting the stage for actually using a nuclear weapon.

Cotton will have to confront both of those challenges if he is confirmed to lead STRATCOM. He has a long history in the realm of strategic deterrence and nuclear operations. In addition to his time as deputy commander and commander of AFGSC, he has also previously commanded the 20th Air Force, which oversees the Air Force’s intercontinental ballistic missile operations; and the 341st Missile Wing, responsible for the Minuteman III ICBMs at Malmstrom Air Force Base, Mont.

Other previous assignments for Cotton include serving as commander of the 45th Space Wing and as commander and president of Air University.

If confirmed, Cotton would become the second Black commander of STRATCOM ever and the only Black combatant commander currently serving. He would also join Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, head of U.S. Northern Command; and Gen. Jacqueline D. Van Ovost, head of U.S. Transportation Command, as Air Force generals currently leading combatant commands. Gen. Tod D. Wolters, head of U.S. European Command, is set to retire in the coming months.

Other Nominations

In addition to Cotton, the Pentagon also announced June 8 that Biden has nominated two new leaders for Air Force major commands.

The first, Lt. Gen. James B. Hecker, is set to get a fourth star and become the next head of U.S. Air Forces in Europe-Air Forces Africa.

Hecker, the current commander and president of Air University, would succeed Gen. Jeffrey L. Harrigian, who has held the post since 2019. A pilot with experience on the F-15, F-22, MQ-1, HH-60, and T-38, Hecker has previously worked as vice director of operations for the Joint Staff, commander of NATO Air Command-Afghanistan, commander of the 19th Air Force, and commander of the 18th Wing.

Hecker’s nomination comes just a few weeks after the Senate confirmed a new deputy commander for USAFE. Maj. Gen. John D. Lamontagne is set to advance.

The second, Lt. Gen. Tony D. Bauernfeind, would remain at his current rank and take over Air Force Special Operations Command, succeeding Lt. Gen. James C. Slife. Bauernfeind currently serves as vice commander of U.S. Special Operations Command and has an extensive history in special operations. Prior to his stint as vice commander, he was chief of staff for SOCOM, and before that, he spent time as deputy commanding general and commanding general of Special Operations Command Korea.

Editor’s note: This article was updated on June 9 to correctly identify Lt. Gen. Tony D. Bauernfeind’s current position as vice commander of U.S. Special Operations Command.

Austin’s Participation in Shangri-La Dialogue Suits PACAF’s Purposes

Austin’s Participation in Shangri-La Dialogue Suits PACAF’s Purposes

JOINT BASE PEARL HARBOR-HICKAM, Hawaii—Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III’s fourth visit to the Indo-Pacific region comes at a critical time for Pacific Air Forces (PACAF) as the major command seeks to maintain and deepen partnerships and China competes to win basing access that could undermine U.S. security.

The race is on to secure friends and allies in the Pacific. China is reaching out to Pacific island nations with promises of big investments in exchange for basing access while the United States looks for like-minded nations to partner to maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific.

Austin departed June 8 for a trip that will take him to Colorado then to Singapore June from 10 to 12 for the International Institute for Strategic Studies’ 19th Shangri-La Dialogue with Indo-Pacific leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

“Singapore is a key player not only in the region—they’re also key player within ASEAN,” Maj. Joseph S. Buckman-Ellis, deputy chief of the Southeast Asia branch of the international affairs division of PACAF, told Air Force Magazine.

The United States is Singapore’s No. 1 security cooperation and defense partner with $8.5 billion in sales. The wealthy city state sandwiched between Malaysia and Indonesia in Southeast Asia has operated fighter jet detachments in the United States for 27 years, flying F-15s and F-16s.

In turn, Pacific Air Forces has a facilities agreement to use Paya Lebar Air Base in central Singapore.

“It’s a great place for us to have interoperability with Singapore,” Buckman-Ellis said. “Having a partner in the region that we can fly with and conduct those missions with is great training for both of our forces.”

Paya Lebar has a small U.S. Air Force unit consisting of an air mobility squadron and combat training flight. The air base also hosts exercise Commando Sling annually, allowing air crews and maintainers to work side by side similarly to the interaction at the combat training exercise Red Flag.

“There’s a lot of like-mindedness,” explained Buckman-Ellis, who attended Singapore’s command staff college for a year.

“Singapore’s philosophy on that region is a really balanced Indo-Pacific,” he added. “That aligns with the United States in terms of we want—a free and open Indo-Pacific. They want to make sure that that kind of harmony, coexistence stays that way.”

The Singapore partnership also offers an example of the type of relationships that can be forged in the region. Austin will visit Thailand after Shangri-la.

“We can be a role model to other relationships as we start to look at the other ASEAN partners,” Buckman-Ellis said.

PACAF is hoping Austin’s meetings can advance Air Force partnerships and overcome myriad challenges in the vast Pacific theater, such as refueling and executing agile combat employment (ACE) or landing at and operating from austere bases.

Austin’s planned engagement follows President Joe Biden’s special summit May 12-13 with ASEAN nations in Washington, D.C., but it also comes as China approaches the Pacific islands with investment promises.

China is reportedly negotiating with 10 Pacific island nations to sign a pact that would include economic incentives but possibly limit those countries’ ability to cooperate with the U.S. military. In April, China signed a five-year security pact with the Solomon Islands, situated northeast of Australia and near Sydney, and its important military installations.

Austin will have to show ASEAN attendees that despite billions of dollars flowing to Ukraine to defend itself and to prevent Russia from encroaching on NATO territory, the United States really is focused on China as a pacing challenge. Many nations of the Pacific have faced economic and military aggression from China in the past.

Singapore, like many of those nations, depends on China economically.

“The Singaporeans are invested heavily, No. 1, by the United States. And the No. 2 is by China,” said Buckman-Ellis.

China’s investments include the banking and digital sectors. While Singapore’s economy is a free market, more than 70 percent of Singaporeans are ethnically Chinese.

“The rules-based order is very important; the international order is very important,” Buckman-Ellis said in evaluating Singapore’s likely priorities at the coming  meeting. “In their viewpoint, having the United States and China find a way to coexist and work together that maintains the region’s stability would be their No. 1 strategic goal.”

Austin’s continued engagement with Singapore is also vital to continuing PACAF’s basing access on the island, which will change in coming years as the country breaks ground on the new Changi Air Base (East) with the intention of building out a section that would be used by the U.S. Air Force.

“From a PACAF perspective of what we would want from that type of engagement with Secretary Austin is the continued support from those high-level conversations,” Buckman-Ellis said. “Singapore has a pretty dominant voice within ASEAN, and I think maintaining that relation within the Shangri-La dialogue is the key input.”

Proposed NDAA Would Let Air Force Retire More Tankers, C-130s

Proposed NDAA Would Let Air Force Retire More Tankers, C-130s

The seven subpanels of the House Armed Services Committee are set to begin marking up their respective portions of the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act in the next few days, and one is considering letting the Air Force make cuts to its number of tankers and C-130s.

The subcommittee on seapower and projection forces released a summary of its markup to reporters June 7. Included in its provisions are two requirements setting minimums of at least 466 air refueling tanker aircraft and 271 C-130s.

Both numbers would represent a reduction in fleet sizes, something Air Force leaders have pursued for years now as part of their efforts to divest legacy aircraft and modernize.

As of Sept. 30, 2021, the Air Force’s tanker fleet stood at 539 planes, according to data provided to Air Force Magazine. The vast majority of those are KC-135s and KC-10s, older aircraft that Congress has previously blocked USAF from retiring quickly.

In the 2019 NDAA, Congress set the floor for total tanker aircraft at 479, a total endorsed by U.S. Transportation Command. However, Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall said during a recent Heritage Foundation event that he wanted to cut the fleet down to 455 aircraft.

In its 2023 budget request, the Air Force asked to retire 13 KC-135s from the Guard and Reserve while buying 15 new KC-46s, for a net increase to the tanker fleet.

The C-130 fleet, meanwhile, is slated to take a cut in the budget request. The Air Force wants to retire a dozen C-130Hs and buy four C-130Js.

As of Sept. 30, 2021, the Air Force had 285 C-130Hs and C-130Js in its inventory, with all the C-130Hs in the Guard or Reserve. Previous NDAAs had approved a minimum fleet of 279 aircraft, meaning the reduction of eight proposed by lawmakers would match the number of divestments proposed by the Air Force.

Lockheed Martin, L3Harris, Northrop Grumman Get Stand-in Attack Weapon Contracts

Lockheed Martin, L3Harris, Northrop Grumman Get Stand-in Attack Weapon Contracts

Three contractors received 90-day, $2 million contracts to begin work on the Stand-in Attack Weapon, or SiAW, one of the Air Force’s next generation of air-to-ground munitions. Lockheed Martin, L3Harris, and Northrop Grumman got contracts for the work out of a five-competitor field that also included Boeing and Raytheon Technologies.

It was not immediately apparent whether the three companies will do competitive or complementary work under the contracts, which were awarded May 25. The five contenders were deemed the only ones qualified to do the work according to an Air Force statement from May 2021.  

Lockheed Martin said its contract is to perform integration work for SiAW and that it will produce hardware over the next five years, which the Air Force will then test and evaluate for possible production.

The Air Force has budgeted $1.9 billion for SiAW development over the future years defense plan starting in fiscal 2023 and continuing until 2027. The fiscal 2023 request is for $283.2 million, and development funding is expected to peak in fiscal 2026, with $718.2 million planned.

“We’ve been asked to present an open, agile, and digital weapon that can be rapidly upgraded through digital engineering,” said Bryan Gates, senior manager of Northwest Florida Operations for MFC’s air dominance and strike weapons unit.

“This is an open system architecture, with a digital design, that allows us to bring in different pieces and parts from subcontractors [and] other companies to develop this weapon,” and the Air Force will decide that mix, Gates said. The Air Force is also pursuing modular approaches involving air-to-air missiles and uncrewed aircraft to derive greater flexibility and adaptability from its future force.

In a press release, Lockheed Martin linked to a YouTube video showing an F-35 launching six SiAWs—four from underwing stations and two from its internal weapons bays. The weapons fly straight ahead and then straight up before the video ends. Gates said this flight profile is typical for weapons that will travel some distance before striking their targets.

“If you’re launching from any type of distance, you’re gonna get some altitude to derive your target solution,” he said.

The video suggests the SiAWs can be volley-launched and guide to their targets simultaneously. Gates declined to say what kind of guidance the weapon uses, referring any operational questions to the Air Force.

While the Air Force plans the weapon for use on the F-35, “I would stay away from” saying it is the threshold platform, Gates said. “It depends on what the Air Force wants to do with it.”

As an open-mission systems round that can be digitally re-tuned and improved, “that would mean that they can use it on whatever they want to use it on.”

The SiAW apparently builds on work done with Northrop’s Advanced Anti-Radiation Guided Missile (AARGM) for the Navy, itself a derivative and expansion of the AGM-88 HARM air-to-surface anti-radiation missile. USAF’s initial acquisition strategy was to pursue the weapon sole-source from Northrop Grumman, but in April 2021, it decided to open the program to other contenders.

Gates said Lockheed Martin’s offering includes “the ability to have pieces or parts rapidly upgradeable within the weapons” that can address a changing threat. The Air Force will “decide on seekers, motors, internal warheads, internal parts to the weapon, and as the threat changes, we’re able to change those parts of the weapons.”

The contract calls for “leave-behind materials after 60 months,” which Gates said will be “weapons for the Air Force to use … and move forward into production.” He described the contract as a “rapid prototyping” type. He could not say how many assets the Air Force will have to work with at the end of the five-year development phase. He could not speak to program milestones.

Gates noted that Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr.’s mantra of “accelerate change or lose” and said, “that is what this program is all about: taking mature technologies, making sure we’ve got them … digital … upgradeable … affordable and beneficial to the warfighter.”

He noted that under the “One LM” rubric, other divisions of Lockheed Martin contributed to the offering; notably the Advanced Development, or “Skunk Works,” unit, which used its “Star Drive” digital design technology, which he said was “heavily leveraged” for SiAW.

If the SiAW goes into production, Gates said it hasn’t been decided where it would be built. But the goal of the digital design “was to shorten the developmental timelines … turn it over to our production facilities and … turn out weapons as quickly as we can.” He added that Lockheed Martin is “excited to partner with the Air Force and get this done.”

Study: Combine Missile Warning, Tracking Constellations Into One Multi-Orbit System

Study: Combine Missile Warning, Tracking Constellations Into One Multi-Orbit System

Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall has made missile warning and tracking a priority of his tenure, and agencies across the Pentagon are working on a number of efforts to handle that mission from space.

But instead of relying on a less coordinated approach, one that forces programs to compete for funds, the Defense Department—and particularly the Space Force—would be better served by integrating their efforts into one multi-orbit system, a new study from AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies recommends.

The issue is especially urgent because of the continued proliferation of new kinds of missiles, said the study’s author, Christopher Stone, during a virtual event June 7. Technologies such as hypersonic weapons and fractional orbital bombardment systems exploit gaps in the U.S.’s current missile tracking infrastructure so that the weapons can’t be tracked completely by radars on the ground.

Meanwhile, the Space Based Infrared System, flying in highly elliptical and geosynchronous Earth orbits, provides good missile warning, Stone said, but lacks the fidelity for persistent tracking.

Persistently tracking missiles from the moment of their launch to their landing is crucial, said Col. Miguel A. Cruz, commander of the Space Force’s missile warning delta, Space Delta 4, during the virtual event.

“Missile warning is about bells ringing, missiles are coming, duck and cover, right?” Cruz said. “Missile tracking is about custody of a target. It’s about being able to look at that target and pass that information to a shooter that will engage it. And so there’s a nuance there. I think in our culture, as we’re moving forward [we’re having] the realization that we’re not just bell-ringers, that we’re actually contributing to a much broader engagement.”

When it comes to missile tracking, “the good news is that we have three different entities in government looking at this problem,” Stone told reporters in a June 6 briefing. “They’re looking at it, though, from a competitive vantage point, not an integrated development [vantage point].”

The Space Development Agency, scheduled to transfer to the Space Force later this year, has already spent years working on the National Defense Space Architecture, a massive constellation of hundreds of satellites in low Earth orbit for missile warning, communications, data coverage and sharing, and other uses.

The launch timeline for the Tracking Layer of the NDSA, which will handle missile warning and tracking, places it in orbit by 2025 or 2026.

The Space Force, meanwhile, is working on the Next-Generation Overhead Persistent Infrared System, the eventual replacement to SBIRS that will also fly in highly elliptical and geosynchronous Earth orbits. The service is also working on a network of satellites to go in medium Earth orbit.

Finally, the Missile Defense Agency is working on its own missile tracking system, the Hypersonic and Ballistic Tracking Space Sensor. Like the NDSA, the HBTSS would consist of satellites in low Earth orbit. The first two satellite prototypes are scheduled to launch in March 2023.

And while MDA director Vice Adm. Jon A. Hill has told lawmakers he wants HBTSS to integrate into the SDA’s Tracking Layer, Stone noted that “they initially were not designed that way” and remain as separate line items in the budget.

Rather than let those programs continue to develop separately, competing for funding, Stone’s study recommends combining elements from each to form an architecture with satellites in every orbit.

“Each of those organizations view their project as the answer, and that it’s resilient and cost-effective and everything and that everybody else’s is not, and that’s just part of the industry competition, no problem,” Stone said. “But I think it would be best if we took … a little bit of all these things, and we would have the capability, I believe, to achieve all those required attributes that’s lacking in today’s system.”

The advantages of such an approach are clear, said Davin Swanson, chief engineer in space and C2 systems for Raytheon Intelligence & Space.

“There’s the resiliency aspect, mainly through orbital diversity of the multi-layered approach,” Swanson said. “Having a multi-layered approach allows you to tune the sensor designs of each layer according to the optimal portion of that missile warning, missile tracking requirement set, depending on the orbit that that sensor is in. And it requires and it allows a shift away from the current paradigm of a small number of exquisite high-value assets to a more proliferated architecture where you’ve got more vehicles, different orbits.”

With the wider coverage of higher orbits and the higher fidelity of lower ones, such a system would ensure persistent missile warning and tracking, Stone and Swanson said. And it would also address the need for resiliency, an attribute emphasized by Space Force leaders, especially as countries such as China and Russia have demonstrated kinetic and non-kinetic threats.

“Just having hundreds of targets at LEO is not sufficient with an adversary who’s building a deep magazine of kinetic weapons and a multi-layered attack architecture across the spectrum,” Stone said. “We need to be able to plan for a survivable construct that can live through that sort of thing. And so instead of just having everything in one orbit, with everybody’s targets there to be hit, it’s best to have multiple layers and have a defense in depth approach.”

Stone also argued that if satellites in different orbits are integrated and work together, it will reduce the number of satellites needed overall—the Tracking Layer is currently slated to start with 28 and expand, and the planned MEO constellation could have 36 or more.

“If you want to do it the way that I recommended, you … don’t have to have the hundreds of satellites at LEO, the 36-plus at MEO, and five at GEO. You’ll need the five at GEO to have the global coverage, but as you go lower, as you integrate them all into one system, just three different orbits, you’ll need less satellites,” Stone said.

However, Stone also pushed for those satellites to be equipped with more advanced technology to increase their survivability against anti-satellite weapons. Such technology could include new propulsion methods and systems, or perhaps decoy satellites, he said.

Such additions, though, would drive up cost—an issue that retired Gen. Kevin P. Chilton, Explorer Chair of the Mitchell Institute, predicted would be the biggest hurdle to implementing Stone’s recommendations.

“I don’t think technology will be the pacing factor. I think the technology is there, and I think we will continue to improve it, and with this architecture, we’ll be able to update it more easily with reduced launch costs,” Chilton said. “Funding is always going to be cussed and discussed at [top levels of government]. … It’s a risk trade-off about how much you’re going to put up and how you’re going to do it. And so I think that’s where the big debates will be. But at the end of the day, there won’t be a debate on the need for these capabilities, in my view.”

Raytheon Announces Headquarters Move to DC Area

Raytheon Announces Headquarters Move to DC Area

Raytheon Technologies, the No. 2 defense contractor, will move its corporate headquarters to the Washington, D.C., area this fall, the company said. The announcement came just a month after Boeing announced plans to do the same. With their arrival, all of the five top defense contractors—including Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics, and Northrop Grumman—will have their headquarters in the National Capital Region, with four of them in Northern Virginia.

The move will give Raytheon executives and employees “agility” in supporting government customers  “and serves to reinforce partnerships” that will advance defense technology, the company said in a press statement. The DC area boasts three international airports, rail centers, and major highways, offering “a convenient travel hub for the company’s global customers and employees.”

Raytheon’s new HQ will be in Rosslyn, part of Arlington, Va., just across the Potomac River from the District of Columbia and an eight-minute cab ride from the nearby Pentagon. Boeing will locate at existing company offices in Arlington a few miles further south and east; Northrop Grumman is near Tysons Corner, Va., about 12 miles from downtown D.C.; General Dynamics is in Reston, Va., some 21 miles away from downtown; and Lockheed Martin’s headquarters are in Bethesda, Md., about eight miles from the District boundary.

Raytheon is moving from its longtime perch outside Boston, Mass., near Hanscom Air Force Base—which manages many of the Air Force’s electronics programs—and a Massachusetts technology corridor. Raytheon acquired United Technologies and its Pratt & Whitney engines unit of Hartford, Conn., and became Raytheon Technologies in 2019, vaulting it to the No. 2 defense contractor behind Lockheed Martin.

Boeing is moving its headquarters from Chicago, having moved there from the Seattle, Wash. area—where its main factories are—in 2001. The given reason behind the previous move was to be more centrally located to Boeing’s extensive network of suppliers and to take advantage of the lower costs of operating in the greater Chicago area.

Industry officials have said Pentagon leaders have required more frequent face-to-face meetings with defense executives in recent years. Former Pentagon acquisition and sustainment chief Ellen Lord required such meetings quarterly or even monthly, and deputy defense secretary Kathleen H. Hicks is similarly keen on such engagements.