Eight Features That Show the New Raider is Not the B-2.1

Dec. 5, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

The unveiling of the new B-21 bomber was staged to keep many of its innovations under wraps, but more than 34 years of technological advances since the B-2’s 1988 rollout were clearly in evidence.

A senior Northrop Grumman official, briefing reporters before the Dec. 2 rollout of the B-21, called the aircraft “the most advanced stealth aircraft ever built,” with heavy emphasis on making it a “daily flyer,” meaning its maintenance has been streamlined such that it can perform multiple sorties per day without extensive touchups of its stealth features.

Although the official said the majority of what makes the B-21 a “sixth-generation” combat aircraft is “on the inside,” a number of external features point to its evolution from the technology of the B-2, which is also a stealthy flying wing.

1. Intakes

Perhaps the most striking features of the B-21 are its slender, barely-there air intakes. Unlike the higher-rise, scalloped intakes on the B-2, the B-21’s are almost organically a part of its wing root. That’s good for stealth—radar loves abrupt angles and big cavities—but the intakes are so thin and shallow, they seem hardly big enough to swallow enough air to feed the B-21’s engines.

However, a leading aerodynamicist told Air & Space Forces Magazine that “as long as you have enough inlet area to accept the required mass flow of air, your engines will work fine.”

The “real trick,” he said, “is designing an inlet that can handle the distortions and gradients caused by the fact that the air is moving over significant surface area of the inlet before being ingested. That’s more a matter of tailoring the channel shape in the inlet.”

Magnification of images released by the Air Force of the B-21 show a vertical vane in the inlet.

Having the inlet close to the leading edge could also make use of the “Kutta effect,” he said: “the tendency of a fluid to remain attached to a surface rather than separating.” Oversimplified, that means that air moving up and over the leading edge of the wing would flow directly into the inlet, instead of up and over the inlet itself.

The advantage of such slender inlets is that there is less of a cavity for search radars to find, and even less chance of detecting the B-21’s engine fan blades, which are a huge radar reflector. On the B-2, the engines are hidden behind serpentine ducting that shields them from direct view.

In 2018, at a McAleese/Credit Suisse conference, Rep. Rob Wittman (R-Va.), in an unusual disclosure of progress on the classified program, said the B-21 was largely on track but had suffered some setbacks with engine airflow.

“This is a very, very different design as far as airflow,” Wittman revealed at the time, “and there have been some design challenges there.”

There were differences of opinion between engine contractor Pratt & Whitney and the “ducting contractor,” Wittman said, with the latter complaining, “‘There’s only so much air we can move through there,’ and Pratt & Whitney says, ‘No, we need a certain amount of air to go through the front of the engine.’ Then the question is: How do you do that? Do you split [the difference] between the two?”

Pratt & Whitney wanted more air at the inlet, but that would have affected the low-observable design, Wittman reported.

The engine and ducting all have to work together, Wittman observed, adding that “all those things are elements that you would normally expect in an aircraft that’s new, that takes a concept from B-2, refines and uses it on this platform.”

2. Size

Despite persistent rumors—and some defense official comments—that the B-21 would be substantially smaller than the B-2, that was not apparent at the rollout. A rough approximation of the wingspan, made possible by the presence of a B-2 at a Northrop Grumman aircraft a few feet away, suggests the wingspan of the B-21 is perhaps only 22 feet or so shorter than that of the B-2, which would indicate a span of about 150 feet. However, this estimation is fraught because the angle of wing sweepback on the B-21 may be deeper than that of the B-2. A close encounter with the draped B-21 minutes before the unveiling indicated it may have a deeper sweep angle than the B-21, but whether it has a “cranked” or bent shape was unclear.

The B-21 Raider was unveiled to the public at a ceremony Dec. 2, 2022, in Palmdale, Calif. Screenshot

3. Depth

The B-21 has a decidedly deeper and broader keel than the B-2, implying larger weapons bays and potentially more internal fuel. Like the B-2, the B-21 will operate from continental U.S. bases, Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III said in his rollout remarks. The aircraft overall, however, clearly sits on its landing gear higher than the B-2 does. The gear are also two-wheel bogeys rather than the four-wheel bogeys on the B-2.

4. Smoothness

While Herculean efforts were made to make the B-2 as smooth as possible—to thwart radar pickups of seams, panel lines, and protruding fastener heads—the B-21 gave the appearance of an almost sanded-smooth finish, with no shadows or breaks, even at the edges of its canopy. Northrop Grumman officials said the B-21 program has thoroughly dispensed with the methods used on the B-2, such as tape and caulk, to smooth out those breaks in the surface. The B-2’s skin is also designed to be resilient enough that the aircraft can make multiple sorties per day in full stealth mode, whereas the B-2 needed low-observable touch-ups after ever mission. Company officials at the rollout said the B-2 has benefitted from techniques used on the B-21 to reduce the use of tape and improve the aircraft’s stealth resiliency.

5. Cockpit Transparencies

Unlike the B-2’s four-window wrap-around windscreen, the B-21 has an unusual geometry of two trapezoidal forward windows and two long side widows. The edges of the windows seemed thoroughly contiguous with the airplane’s solid surfaces; no seams, edges or framing seemed in evidence. Coupled with the B-21’s deeper keel, the impression of a “flying saucer” is pronounced, though surely unintentional.

The B-21 Raider was unveiled to the public at a ceremony Dec. 2, 2022, in Palmdale, Calif. Air Force photo.

6. Gear Doors

The landing gear doors on the B-21 are more simplified than the serrated-edge doors on the B-2. The “tail code” of ED—for Edwards Air Force Base, Calif., where testing will take place—appeared on the main gear doors, just as the tail codes of Whiteman Air Force Base, Mo., appear on the B-2’s gear doors. The first B-21 bears the serial “00001.” Stenciled on the aircraft just below the nose of the B-21 is the stylized wing symbol of Northrop Grumman flight test.

7. ‘Hawk’s Beak’

The B-2 has a pronounced “beak” at the very tip of its leading edge. A brief side view of the B-21 at the rollout showed that feature also exists on the new bomber, though it is set further ahead of the windscreen and is longer and flatter.

The B-21 Raider was unveiled to the public at a ceremony December 2, 2022 in Palmdale, Calif. Designed to operate in tomorrow’s high-end threat environment, the B-21 will play a critical role in ensuring America’s enduring airpower capability. U.S. Air Force photo

8. Color

While the B-2 wears wrap-around FS 36118 “Gunship Gray” paint with variations around taped areas, effective for night operations, the B-21 wears an overall light gray, possibly FS36375 “Light Compass Ghost Gray,” which may aid in reducing its visual and infrared signature in the daytime.

More details of the B-21 are not expected for some time. The tail of the aircraft was not visible at the rollout, and program officials said they plan to keep that area under wraps as long as possible.

However, the reason for the B-21 being rolled out at this time is that it will soon be performing outside-the-factory engine runs and taxi tests, meaning it will be publicly visible, if at a distance. Once that happens, long telephoto images from photographers camped out on public land outside Plant 42 in Palmdale, Calif., will doubtlessly begin to appear, confirming or debunking initial speculation. The first flight of the B-21 is expected in mid-2023.

Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III delivers remarks at the U.S. Air Force B-21 Raider unveiling ceremony, Palmdale, Calif., Dec. 2, 2022. DOD photos by Chad J. McNeeley

‘The Decisive Decade’: Secretary Austin’s Remarks at the Reagan Forum

Dec. 4, 2022

‘The Decisive Decade’: Complete remarks by Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III at the Reagan National Defense Forum, Dec. 3, 2022, in Simi Valley, Calif.

Good morning, everyone.

Peggy, thank you so much for that very kind introduction. The Reagan Foundation and Institute has been a great host—but you know, it feels a little unfair to be expected to give a speech after Peggy Noonan.

[Laughter]

And as you pointed out, Peggy, the last time that we saw each other was actually in Iraq, in a dusty conference room in a palace in Baghdad. So this, indeed, is a bit nicer. And I’m delighted to be here.

I’m delighted to be here with an outstanding delegation from the Department of Defense, including Secretary Wormuth, Secretary Del Toro, and Secretary Kendall.

[Applause]

As well as members of the Joint Chiefs, combatant commanders, and more. So let’s give the Joint Chiefs and the combatant commanders a round of applause.

[Applause]

We also have a distinguished bipartisan delegation here from the United States Congress. And I always appreciate your constructive partnership. And I’m confident that we’ll keep coming together to keep America secure—including the passing of a full-year omnibus appropriation.

[Applause]

And I look forward to working with you in the coming weeks, and in the 118th Congress.

I’m honored to see ambassadors and defense ministers from allied and partner countries. So, welcome.

Now, it’s already been a very productive trip to California. Yesterday was a proud day for our country and for the United States Air Force.

I was in Palmdale to participate in the historic unveiling of the B-21 Raider. That’s the long-range strike stealth bomber that will soon be the backbone of the Air Force bomber fleet. The B-21 was developed over seven years by our partners at Northrop Grumman. So it was a really proud day for Kathy [Warden]—and very well done, by the way.

And it shows that we’re clear-eyed about what it’s going to take to keep America secure in the 21st century.

You see, the B-21 is an extraordinary display of combat power—and a major advance for American deterrence.

And making this bomber required harnessing the driving forces of American innovation and ingenuity—and drawing on both free minds and free enterprise.

Ladies and gentlemen, only one country on Earth consistently delivers that combination.

And that’s the United States of America.

[Applause]

American power, innovation, and values make the U.S. military the strongest fighting force in human history.

And make no mistake: We’re going to keep it that way.

[Applause]

And so our job is simple. And we don’t lose focus because of polls or politics. The U.S. military is here to fight and win our nation’s wars. And we will always work to deter conflict whenever we can. But if we are forced to defend ourselves, we will win—and we will win beyond doubt.

Now, as President Biden has said, we stand in “a decisive decade.”

And these next few years will set the terms of our competition with the People’s Republic of China. And they will shape the future of security in Europe. And they will determine whether our children and grandchildren inherit an open world of rules and rights—or whether they face emboldened autocrats who seek to dominate by force and fear.

As some of you may know, I was at the Halifax International Security Forum in Canada two weeks ago.

And I was introduced to a brave young Ukrainian soldier. And we spoke briefly about what she’d seen in her fight to defend her country.

The next day, I saw that young soldier again. And she was weeping because six of her brothers and sisters in arms had been killed overnight by Russian forces.

And through her tears, she presented me with a Ukrainian flag signed by some of the fighters who liberated the city of Kherson.

And she told me that the next day, she was headed back to Ukraine to rejoin the fight.

And so, ladies and gentlemen, that’s what is at stake in this decisive decade.

So let me reaffirm a basic American truth: In the struggle between those fighting to defend democracy and those bent on imperial aggression, the United States stands with the forces of freedom.

We are determined to use American power to defend our great democracy—and to bend the arc of history toward liberty.

And I am confident that America is up for the great competitions ahead.

You know, President Reagan liked to tell the story of an elderly British woman whose home was bombed during the Blitz of London. And when the rescuers arrived, they found a bottle of brandy that she had stored behind her staircase, which was the only thing still left standing. And so she was barely conscious, and one of the rescue workers pulled the cork out of the bottle to give her a taste of the brandy.

And she came around and immediately said, “Hey—put it back. That’s for emergencies.”

[Laughter]

Now, that’s the spirit that we need.

This is no time to hold back on our resources or our resolve.

To meet this moment, we’re going to need help from Congress, industry, and more. And I hope that you will join us in this mighty task.

To shape this decisive decade, we’re driving hard to further strengthen America’s deterrence.

We’re taking on the generational pacing challenge posed by the People’s Republic of China.

And we’re tackling the acute threat of Putin’s Russia—and defending the rules-based international order that keeps us all secure.

And we’re going to do all of this the American way—by drawing on the full force of American innovation and American industry to ensure that we get our war fighters what they need before they need it.

At this hinge in history, we’re carrying forward the great American tradition of strong, principled global leadership—alongside our stalwart allies and valued partners—in the service of human freedom.

So let’s start with American deterrence.

It lies at the core of the National Defense Strategy that guides the Department.

We’ve got the right strategy and the right operational concepts—and they’re driving us to make the right investments for our war fighters.

So we’re upgrading and honing and strengthening our armed forces for a changing world, even as we shore up the strong foundation that has kept us secure for decades.

Because in our imperfect world, deterrence does come through strength.

And we will continue to make clear to any potential foe the folly of aggression against the United States—at any time or any place, in any theater or any domain.

[Applause]

Deterrence means air power. So in our Fiscal Year 2023 budget, the Department has requested more than $56 billion for air power, focused on the F-35 and F-15EX fighters, the B-21 bomber, mobility aircraft, and unmanned systems. And American air power helps deter conflict every day, from joint exercises with our Indo-Pacific partners to aerial drills with our allies to protect NATO’s eastern flank.

Deterrence means sea power. So we’re investing in the new construction of nine battle-force ships and our Columbia-class ballistic-missile submarines. And just last month, one of our Ford-class nuclear-powered carriers made its first transit to Europe.

Deterrence means long-range fires, like the HIMARS systems that have been so crucial to Ukraine’s self-defense.

Long-range fires will be vital for contingencies in the Indo-Pacific as well. So we’re investing in land-based hypersonic missile batteries and an air-launched hypersonic cruise missile. And the USS Zumwalt will become the first Navy platform to field hypersonics.

Deterrence means cutting-edge capabilities in domains where 21st-century conflicts could erupt, including space and cyberspace.

And finally, deterrence means a safe, secure, and effective nuclear arsenal as the ultimate backstop to deter strategic attacks on our country and our allies, including NATO, Japan, and the Republic of Korea. And so that’s why our FY 2023 budget includes $34 billion to continue modernizing our nuclear triad and to bolster our nuclear command, control, and communications.

You know, when you add that up, that’s a lot.

But we’ve got more to do.

So let me urge Congress to pass an on-time appropriation so that we can get the capabilities to further strengthen our deterrence.

Now, to compete in this decisive decade, we’ve sharpened the Department’s focus on our primary theater of operations, which is the Indo-Pacific.

And we’re working to be able to mobilize and deploy American troops more quickly—and investing in military construction, and logistics, and infrastructure across the region.

We’ve requested billions to modernize the Marines into a highly mobile expeditionary force.

To maneuver better in the critical First Island Chain, we’re investing in nimble new groupings, like the Army’s Multi-Domain Task Forces.

And as we strengthen our deterrence, we’re fortified by the allies and partners who share our values.

Here’s one simple military truth: Our allies and partners are a phenomenal force multiplier. And as Margaret Thatcher once said, we will not stay free for long if we have no allies or no friends and no alliances. Our network of alliances and partnerships is a core strategic strength. And no other country on Earth has anything like it.

So just a few weeks ago, the American carrier strike group named for President Reagan conducted operations alongside the Canadian and Japanese navies in the Philippine Sea. And days later, the strike group came together again with Japanese, and Australian, and Indian forces for the annual Malabar exercise.

As one of the American commanders described our operations, “We have an Australian supply ship bringing millions of gallons of fuel, food, and supplies to a carrier strike group escorted by Japanese, Canadian, and American warships.”

Now, that type of cooperation is rare and precious in world history.

But for the United States and our allies and partners, it’s all in a day’s work.

Or consider the AUKUS partnership. Next week, I’ll welcome my Australian and U.K. counterparts to Washington for an important AUKUS defense ministerial.

And so we’re working together on advanced capabilities such as AI and hypersonics. And we’re charting the best pathway for Australia to acquire a nuclear-powered, conventionally armed submarine as early as possible—all while upholding the highest nonproliferation standards.

Now, our network of allies and partners just didn’t happen. It’s a direct result of decades of American leadership. And our friends know that we’ll stand with them to support freedom of navigation, and to defend the rights of small countries not to be bullied by larger ones, and to defend stability and sovereignty and the potential for prosperity that they bring.

Now, the National Defense Strategy is clear-eyed about our main competitors. And that starts with the People’s Republic of China. In recent decades, its military has embarked on a breakneck program of modernization. And the PRC is the only country with both the will and, increasingly, the power to reshape its region and the international order to suit its authoritarian preferences.

So let me be clear: We will not let that happen.

That begins with America’s combat-credible deterrence. And we’re going to sustain and sharpen our war-fighting advantages so that the PRC can never conclude that aggression is in its best interest.

We’re aligning our budget as never before to the China challenge. We’re making the Department’s largest investment ever in R&D and forging stronger capabilities. And we’re modernizing, training, and equipping the U.S. military for contingencies in the Indo-Pacific.

DOD is finally making fundamental and unprecedented shifts in attention and resources toward Asia. Ladies and gentlemen, the Department is putting its focus, its time, and its money where its mouth is. And so we’re matching our investments with new operational concepts suited to 21st-century deterrence in the Indo-Pacific.

We’re bolstering our forward presence in the region to build a more lethal, mobile, and distributed force posture. And we’ll keep investing in a strategy of deterrence and denial.

Now, we’re not doing this alone. I just returned last week from Southeast Asia, where I met in Cambodia with defense leaders from around the region. And nearly every one of them shares our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific—a region in which countries large and small can chart their own futures and have the capabilities to defend their own interests.

We’re also deeply committed to responsibly managing our competition with the PRC, even as we defend our interests, our allies, and our partners. While I was in Cambodia, I met with General Wei, the PRC’s Minister of National Defense. And I made clear that great powers need to compete responsibly, and keep lines of communication open, and build guardrails at multiple levels.

I also underscored our serious concerns about the increasingly dangerous behavior that we’re seeing from PLA aircraft flying in the Indo-Pacific. And I made clear that the United States will continue to fly, to sail, and operate wherever international law allows.

[Applause]

You know, great powers must choose responsibility over recklessness. Great powers must communicate with candor—and respect the hard-won system of international laws, alliances, norms, and agreements that has made us all more secure and prosperous since the end of World War II.

You know, we can’t take that open and stable order for granted. And that’s one key reason that the world has come together to condemn and resist Russia’s reckless war of choice in Ukraine.

And this decade will be decisive for security in Europe as well as in Asia. So let’s be clear about what we’ve seen in Ukraine. Russia wasn’t provoked. Russia wasn’t threatened. Russia wasn’t attacked. Instead, one man chose war.

And Putin’s war is not the result of NATO expansion. It is the cause of NATO expansion.

And now, because of the Kremlin’s longing for a vanished empire, Europe faces its worst security crisis since the end of World War II. And a member of the U.N. Security Council—let me say that again—a member of the U.N. Security Council is waging war to deny democracy to more than 43 million people.

With deliberate cruelty, Russia is putting civilians and civilian targets in its gunsights. Russian forces have killed thousands of Ukrainian citizens, even as millions more have fled. Russian attacks have left children dead, schools shattered, and hospitals smashed.

So Russia’s neighbors view its imperial aggression with growing alarm. And Putin’s war of choice has given everyone on Earth a preview of a world of tyranny and turmoil that nobody would want to live in.

And Russia’s assault on its peaceful neighbor has shown every country on Earth the dangers of disorder. And so that’s why so many countries of goodwill have raced to get Ukraine the capabilities to defend itself, including the some 50 members of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group that we’ve created and led.

It’s why our united and resolute NATO allies have bolstered the alliance’s forward defenses and reinforced its eastern flank. And it’s why the United States has raised our total number of service members deployed in Europe from 80,000 to more than 100,000, and permanently forward-stationed forces in Poland, and hammered home our ironclad commitment to NATO and to Article Five.

So let’s be clear. We will not be dragged into Putin’s war. But we will stand with Ukraine as it fights to defend its citizens and its sovereignty. And we will stand strong with our NATO allies. And we will defend every inch of NATO territory.

[Applause]

Now, that young Ukrainian fighter and her comrades in arms have shown the moral and military power of a free people roused to its defense. And her fellow citizens on the home front have shown immense resilience in the teeth of Russian aggression.

From President Biden on down, U.S. leadership has been vital to Ukraine’s success. And we are going to support Ukraine’s right to defend itself for as long as it takes.

Now, our ability to shape this decisive decade rests on America’s enduring advantages in national security. So we work hard to draw on the full range of talents of the American people. And we’re driven by the power of patriotism and our restless spirit of innovation.

Our free-enterprise system is key to our national defense. Our defense industrial base is unmatched. And we’ve got to keep it that way.

You know, our outstanding Deputy Secretary of Defense, Kath Hicks, and I meet regularly with industry leaders, including some new partners that used to think the Pentagon was just too hard to work with. And from the World War II mobilization to the MRAPS that I saw in Iraq, our public-private defense partnership protects American troops in the field.

So we’re working to strengthen that industrial base for the long haul. We’re also working closely with Congress to secure multi-year procurement authorities—and allow us to meet the needs of tomorrow.

Now, our partners in the private sector have flagged a consistent problem. Even when they can see a way to deliver a promising technology to a military customer, securing the necessary capital to bring that capability to scale is hard—and sometimes impossible.

So we’ve listened. And we’ve acted. Our Defense Innovation Unit is focused on identifying priority technology areas, using faster methods to get that tech into the hands of our war fighters. And earlier this week, I announced the creation of the Department’s Office of Strategic Capital.

This important office will work to secure U.S. private-sector investment in critical defense-technology areas, ensuring that technology developed in America benefits America. And it’s an example of how we’re creating the conditions for innovators to succeed.

You know, this kind of change doesn’t always move as smoothly or as quickly as I’d like. But we are determined to change the way that the Pentagon does business—and to create a true innovation ecosystem.

Let me make one last point. American firepower is extraordinary. But over the course of my brief, 41-year career in uniform, I learned that the source of our strength isn’t just our weapons.

It’s our democracy.

And that democracy demands something of us all. It’s a daily referendum that asks us all what we are willing to give to the cause of American ideals and human freedom. And it’s time to ask ourselves what each of us will do to help shape this rare and malleable moment in the course of human events.

Now, our Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen, Marines, and Guardians risk their lives every day for all of our security.

And even in times of challenge or in hours of division, the American men and women who wear the cloth of our nation inspire us all with their unity of purpose. And they challenge us all to put our shoulder to the wheel. To seize this moment to make America more secure and the world more just. To rally together with our allies and partners who magnify our strength. And to prove again that the democratic ideals of America’s founding still provide the world with a powerful beacon of hope.

So let me quote President Reagan one last time—and this time about what history remembers.

“Yes, the deeds of infamy and injustice are all recorded,” he said. “But what shines out from the pages of history is the daring of the dreamers and the deeds of the builders and the doers.”

So in this decisive decade, let us pledge again to be the dreamers, the builders, and the doers. Let us forge a world of greater security, prosperity, and liberty.

And let us meet America’s challenges with confidence, courage, and a can-do spirit. And let us come together to build a brighter, safer future for this country that we love and the democracy that we defend.

Thank you very much, and may God continue to bless the United States of America.

Disinformation, Data Collection are Cybersecurity Concerns, Kendall Says

Dec. 4, 2022 | By Chris Gordon

Senior U.S. military and civilian leaders expressed concerns about foreign data collection and disinformation as cybersecurity threats.

“I am terrified of what a regime can do once it gains control of information with modern tools, that facial recognition, monitoring where everybody goes on their phones, who they talk to, what they say, what associations they have,” Secretary of the Air Force Frank Kendall said during the Reagan National Defense Forum on Dec. 3.

China and Russia’s renewed invasion of Ukraine were the themes of the day at the annual gathering of top military and security officials and elected leaders at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, Calif.

While much of the discussions were on military challenges posed by China, some leaders raised what they saw as the growing risk of the amount of information collected on foreign citizens by China and other countries, either through cyberattacks or voluminous amounts of publicly available data.

“It’s extraordinary the degree to which China, in particular,—but they’re not the only ones, obviously—are developing just frameworks for collecting foreign data and pulling it in, and in their capacity to then turn that around and use it to target audiences for information campaigns or for other things,” Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines said.

China may be collecting data on Americans without their knowledge, Haines said, prompted by a question about TikTok, a Chinese-owned social media platform popular with U.S. troops.

In a broader discussion on cyber threats, Kendall expressed confidence the U.S. military can prevent cyberattacks on military hardware.

“I was thinking earlier about how my career entirely spans the creation of the digital age and the level of concerns about cyber and what we call cyberspace becoming pervasive and ubiquitous, and you can’t do anything in the security area without thinking about cyber considerations,” Kendall said.

That increasing awareness has paid off, the Air Force’s top boss said.

“You’re never going to be perfect, but you can be highly resilient, and you can be at a point where if you get an unexpected attack, you can recover,” Kendall added. “Generally speaking, military systems are designed with some degree of hardening. They use encryption a lot more, for example, and weapons designers are aware of cyber threats. So it’s hard to go after those targets inherently.”

But U.S. military infrastructure is increasingly connected—including to the commercial internet in some cases, Kendall noted.

“That’s our personnel system, our medical system, our transportation system, our logistics system,” he said. “You have to think about all those things as well as all the weapons systems you build and everything they’re connected to for any function that they happen to have.”

Kendall and others stressed the importance of thinking about cybersecurity more broadly than targeted attacks on specific systems and networks.

“It’s an important point to make that when we’re talking about when we’re using the term cyberattack, there are really two pieces,” Sen. Angus King (I-Maine) said on a panel with Kendall. “One is denial of service, bringing down the electric grid, those kinds of things. The other is disinformation.”

Kendall cited disinformation as one of his significant concerns outside of core concerns about how Space Force and Air Force systems operate.

“There is another aspect of this, and I think it’s that we’re still in a free society, wrestling with how to deal with this new technology,” Kendall said.

Kendall cited older, “crude” techniques such as printed propaganda or television commercials as more recognizable attempts to influence people. But the internet has created new avenues for disinformation. Part of cybersecurity is to ensure that the information people receive through networks is not harmful, he said.

“One of the things I think we’re going to have to do is we’re going to have to become much more sophisticated consumers,” Kendall said. “A lot of us are still very susceptible to political influence by people we trust. I think we have to work on that as a society. Or we could go down a road that once we get down it, we get into a position where it can be very, very hard to recover.”

Much About the Air Force’s New B-21 Bomber Remains Unanswered Following Reveal

Dec. 2, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

The Air Force rolled out its new B-21 Raider on Dec. 2 in a nighttime ceremony contrived to keep many details of the flying wing aircraft difficult to see but apparently timed to coincide with a new report on Chinese military capabilities. Senior defense leaders speaking at the event praised the new bomber as the cornerstone of American deterrence capability for decades to come.

The event did not provide much new information about the B-21’s capabilities, though; no further programmatic details, such as the planned production rate, or even how many engines power the bomber, were disclosed.

Aircraft 00001 was rolled forward, still covered with a tarpaulin, from a hangar at Northrop Grumman’s Palmdale, Calif., plant before dignitaries, the press, and some 2,000 workers. Applause erupted when the tarpaulin was removed, revealing an aircraft looking somewhat like the B-2 bomber but also like a flying saucer, with a deep keel and eccentric windows. A flyover of B-52, B-1B, and B-2 bombers in the darkening skies over the plant preceded the rollout.

The Air Force and Northrop Grumman revealed the first B-21 Raider bomber in a ceremony Dec. 2, 2022. Screenshot photo.

“This is a proud day for the Air Force and the country,” Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III said at the ceremony. He thanked Northrop Grumman and its employees for “getting this big job done” and getting the B-21 ready for its test flight phase.

“The B-21 looks imposing … but what’s under the frame and space-age coatings is even more impressive,” Austin said. The B-21 will have longer range than any other bomber, he said, and “it won’t need to be based in theater. It won’t need logistical support to hold any target at risk.” He added that “50 years of low-observability technology have gone into this aircraft. And even the most sophisticated air defense systems will struggle to detect the B-21.”

The new bomber’s “edge will last for decades to come,” he said. The B-21 is emblematic of “America’s advantages” of “innovation … and the spirit of adventure.”

The bomber will also be a powerhouse collector of information that will be shared with the entire force, Austin said.

Though the B-21 is supposed to be smaller than the B-2, its wingspan seemed nearly as wide, though with a possibly different angle of sweep than that of the B-2. The “fuselage” seemed to have a deeper keel than that of the B-2. No dimensions of the aircraft were offered.

A senior Northrop Grumman official said the B-21 will be “a lot stealthier” than the B-2 and feature such improved maintainability and reliability that it will be able to fly in full stealth mode “every day.” The B-2, by contrast, requires many hundreds of man-hours of maintenance just for its low-observable surfaces between missions. The B-21 improves on the B-2 by eliminating the “special tape” that covers its seams and panel lines, the official said. The new material—which may be back-fitted to the B-2—is far more “resilient,” he said.

The key features revealed in the event were the slender air intakes, which scarcely rose above the blended-wing aircraft’s upper surface. The bomb bays were closed, and the tail section of the airplane was not visible from the viewing area. Clearly evident, though, was how much smoother the B-21 is than its elder stealth stablemate.

The aircraft was bathed in blue light, and attendees faced spotlights—again, making viewing of the aircraft a challenge. Members of the press, on a center riser before the airplane, were limited to small lenses for photos, and only from directly in front of the aircraft.

The B-21’s nose gear door bore the serial number 00001, and Air Force badges were stenciled behind the cockpit in low-visibility paint. The “tail code” of Edwards Air Force Base was painted on the B-21’s main landing gear doors.

The prominent “beak” of the B-2 is also a feature on the B-21, but the B-21’s is longer and flatter.

Air Force officials have previously said the unusual, upturned side windows on the B-21 will help with air refueling operations.

Chief of Staff Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr., speaking with the press before the rollout, described the B-21 as a “high cycle aircraft,” meaning it will be able to fly sorties “at great frequency.” He said its digital design will allow a speedier test program than is usual, because not as many live-fly test points will be needed.

Also attending the unveiling were chiefs of the Royal Australian Air Force Air Marshal Robert Chipman and the U.K. Royal Air Force Air Chief Marshal Mike Wigston.

Air Force acquisition executive Andrew Hunter emphasized that the B-21, designed in an open-architecture manner, will be able to “adapt over time … as the mission changes and the threat evolves … and do it in an affordable way.” He said the test fleet will consist of the first six aircraft, which the Air Force has previously said will be usable combat assets after the test program is complete.

Northrop Grumman CEO Kathy Warden said the company evaluated “thousands of designs” for the B-21 and ended up with the flying wing as the best approach to the required degree of stealth and range “and [to] fit within the cost envelope” required. The aircraft will be capable of “rapid … technology insertions” to improve its capabilities.

Hunter said the B-21’s level of stealth was “an essential feature” in selecting Northrop Grumman in 2015 to build the aircraft.

Officials did not modify the longstanding goal of “at least 100” B-21s to be produced. Brown said “100 is the number we’re shooting for” as the B-21 inventory, although other service leaders have quoted figures of 150 or more.

Although the B-21 was initially touted as an “optionally manned,” Hunter said the manned version is “clearly the focus.”

The B-21 Raider was unveiled to the public at a ceremony Dec. 2, 2022, in Palmdale, Calif. Air Force photo.

The B-21 will be both a conventional and nuclear weapons delivery platform. It will carry nuclear gravity bombs as well as the future Long-Range Stand Off missile.

Senior defense officials at the event said the rollout’s timing the same week as a new report on Chinese military power released by the Pentagon was, in the words of one, “maybe not a coincidence.” In his speech, Austin made several references to the B-21’s direct connection to the new National Defense Strategy, which identifies China as America’s pacing military threat. Austin said the B-21 will be a “formidable” deterrent and makes plain “the risk and cost of aggression” against the U.S. and its allies and partners.

“We’re powered by the boldness of an open mind and the confidence of an open society,” Austin said. “And that’s a strategic advantage that no competitor can match.” Pointing to the B-21, Austin said, “Ladies and gentlemen, this is deterrence, the American way.”

The rollout sparks some deja-vu as it takes place at the same facility where Northrop rolled out the B-2, the first stealth bomber, in a ceremony 34 years ago last month. The aircraft bear a strong family resemblance; both are large flying-wings, and have a clear lineage from the YB-35 and YB-49 flying wing bomber prototypes designed by Jack Northrop himself some 70 years ago.

B-21 to Be Capable of Holding at Risk Any Target on Earth

Northrop Grumman officials have in recent days called the B-21 the “first sixth-generation” combat aircraft.

There is no set definition of what a “sixth-generation” combat aircraft is, though. Fifth generation has come to be regarded as aircraft possessing stealth characteristics and sensor fusion to achieve unprecedented situational awareness of the battle space. Some attributes of “sixth generation” may be the ability to be “optionally manned”—a feature the B-21 is supposed to have—even better sensors, sharply improved stealth, and potentially, capability to use directed-energy weapons such as lasers or high-powered microwave beams.

The B-21 is the centerpiece of a “family of systems” that the Air Force and Northrop have said will include external support platforms and enablers. These have not been described in detail but are likely to include jam-resistant satellite communications and the possible use of bomber-launched decoys, radar jammers, or intelligence-collection vehicles.

Although originally expected to be named the B-3, former Air Force Secretary Deborah Lee James decided in 2016 to name the bomber the B-21, to reflect its status as the Air Force’s principal bomber for the 21st century. It was named the Raider to honor the Doolittle Raiders of World War II, who carried the first counterstrike against the Japanese home islands after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. The innovative mission—flown by Army bombers off Navy carriers to extend their reach—surprised the Japanese, who believed their home territory to be too far removed from the U.S. to be under threat.

Similarly, the B-21 is to be capable of holding at risk any target on the face of the Earth. Its advanced stealth and electronic warfare systems are designed to enable it to penetrate the most sophisticated air defenses any nation can muster. It is also expected to be able to persist in enemy territory, collecting information and providing it to other strikers.

The B-21 grew out of technologies Northrop Grumman continued to develop after the B-2 was terminated at just 20 (later 21) aircraft. It was halted due to the double whammy of the end of the Cold War and rising unit costs as the planned buy of the B-2 was whittled down by Congress. Initially, some 132 B-2s were planned to be built, and Northrop Grumman had been contracted to tool its facilities to build the aircraft at scale and a rapid pace, but the diminishing Russian threat prompted Congress to stop funding new B-2s in 1997.

Soon after, the Air Force was instructed to pursue a new program, dubbed the Next-Generation Bomber (NGB), or “2018 bomber.” Various bomber roadmaps held that a 2018 in-service date was necessary, both to begin replacing aging B-1 and B-52 bombers and to address worsening threats. Northrop Grumman was put under contract to develop NGB technologies, both to leverage what it had learned in creating the B-2 as well as to develop improved stealth capabilities for that aircraft, which have been applied during various upgrades since. These include improved stealth surface treatments, more efficient and repeatable ways of applying the treatments, and electronic warfare upgrades.

In 2008, Boeing and Lockheed Martin formed a partnership to compete for the NGB, and in the following months, then-Defense Secretary Robert Gates said the Pentagon was also contemplating an unmanned version of the new bomber. (Artwork of a notional Boeing-Lockheed NGB—a flying wing—bore a striking resemblance to the eventual B-21.)

In 2009, however, Gates canceled the NGB, saying its planned capabilities had become “exquisite,” meaning the aircraft as then envisioned would be too packed with costly capability to be affordable in numbers. The Northrop Grumman and Boeing-Lockheed Martin teams were told to stop working on the NGB aircraft, and the Air Force was directed to start over and pursue a new bomber that would be more affordable. The 2018 in-service target date was dropped.

The new program was dubbed the Long-Range Strike aircraft, and equal among its performance requirements was the need to keep its unit cost under $550 million in 2010 dollars.

In 2015, the Air Force awarded a contract to Northrop Grumman for what was then called the Long Range Strike Bomber, or LRS-B. William LaPlante, then Air Force acquisition executive and now undersecretary of defense for acquisition and sustainment, said at the contract award announcement that the LRS-B would have to come in at $515 million a copy “in 2010 dollars when procuring 100 aircraft.”

Rather than tool for production of dozens of aircraft a year, costs would be reduced by tooling only for about 15 airplanes per year, Air Force officials said at the time. LaPlante said the program would not experience any steep ramp-ups in production, which tend to be disrupted in years when budget cuts must be found. The LRS-B schedule, he said, would be “resilient” because of its modest and consistent production pace.

Air Force officials also said the first aircraft would be available for operational use in the “mid-2020s.”

Prior to contract award, the Air Force had spent nearly $2 billion on risk-reduction efforts, and LaPlante announced that the engineering, manufacturing, and development contract would cost $21.4 billion in 2010 dollars.

He said the EMD contract would be a “cost-reimbursable type,” with incentives for Northrop Grumman to meet the planned cost schedule and “reduced profit if they do not control” those factors.

Although little is known about the B-21’s specific capabilities, it has earned praise from members of Congress read into the program, including House Armed Services chair Adam Smith (D-Wash.), who has called it one of the Pentagon’s “best run” programs.

To keep the program secret, reduce the oversight chain, and pursue an overall lean approach to the B-21’s development, it has been managed by the Air Force’s Rapid Capabilities Office, with direct reporting to the senior Air Force leadership.

To prevent costly redesigns, the B-21’s requirements can be changed only at the order of the Chief of Staff of the Air Force, and all of the Chiefs who have presided over the program say they have not altered its goals. To keep the B-21 capable against the current and evolving threat, however, the bomber has been designed with an “open architecture” to allow modular change-outs of sensors, weapons, communications, and other attributes. In the future, other contractors will be able to compete to upgrade these elements of the B-21.

Although it has divulged little about the bomber’s progress, the Air Force has said the B-21 is meeting expectations and living within the cost limits imposed at its outset.

The B-21’s first flight is expected in mid-2023. It is being revealed now because it has reached the stage where outside activities—such as engine runs and taxi tests—will soon begin, and the aircraft will be exposed to public view.

In a statement released by Northrop Grumman ahead of the rollout, it said it’s applying “continuously advancing technology [and] employing new manufacturing techniques and materials to ensure the B-21 will defeat the anti-access, area-denial systems it will face.” The aircraft benefits from more than three decades of strike and stealth technology, the company said. Among Northrop Grumman’s other stealth programs are the B-2 Spirit bomber, the YF-23 fighter prototype, the Tacit Blue stealth demonstrator, the AGM-137 Tri-Service Standoff Missile, and numerous other presumed classified programs.

Northrop’s RQ-4 Global Hawk family of unmanned, high-altitude intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance aircraft are gradually being phased out of USAF service, but there is strong evidence they are being superseded by another Northrop Grumman stealth platform called the RQ-180, said to bear a strong resemblance to the B-21.

The company also revealed that it has created a “digital twin” of the B-21, to facilitate and speed any changes made to the platform in the digital world before applying them to physical aircraft.

Northrop also said that, because of the B-21’s “open architecture,” it will forego a common pattern on other programs: the block upgrade.

“To meet the evolving threat environment, the B-21 has been designed from day one for rapid upgradeability,” the company said. “Unlike earlier generation aircraft, the B-21 will not undergo block upgrades. New technology, capabilities and weapons will be seamlessly incorporated through agile software upgrades and built-in hardware flexibility. This will ensure the B-21 Raider can continuously meet the evolving threat head on for decades to come.”

CSAF Honorarily Promotes America’s Only Living Triple Ace to Brigadier General

Dec. 2, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

Clarence E. “Bud” Anderson, the only living American triple ace pilot, was honorarily promoted from colonel to brigadier general Dec. 2, in a rare and historic ceremony presided over by Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr.

At the Aerospace Museum of California just outside Sacramento, Calif., Brown called Anderson, 100, a “wrecking ball” of a pilot who “many of us probably wouldn’t want to have … behind us, shooting us down.”

And in his own remarks, Anderson said that it “just truly blows my mind to see the Chief of Staff himself come to do this. It’s a little bit overwhelming.”

In order for a retired member of the military to receive an honorary promotion, Congress must either pass a law, or a member of Congress must request a review from the Secretary of the department in which the service member served.

Such instances are few and far between. In late 2019, Congress included honorary promotions for Col. Charles McGee of the famed Tuskegee Airmen to brigadier general and for Lt. Col. Richard “Dick” Cole of the Doolittle Raiders to colonel in the 2020 National Defense Authorization Act. In a few other select cases, Airmen missed out on a promotion for administrative reasons and were promoted years later.

Anderson, for his part, carries legendary status in the U.S. Air Force as one of only 14 living U.S. fighter aces out of 1,447 who have been recognized. He is also the only one left to have registered 15 or more kills, making him a triple ace.

Anderson, 100, was credited with 16 1/4 aerial victories in World War II, flying a P-51 Mustang he called “Old Crow”, after the brand of whiskey. Over the course of two tours in the European theater, Anderson flew 116 missions for the Army Air Forces.

After World War II, Anderson became a test pilot for the Air Force, flying more than 100 kinds of aircraft. He then commanded a wing and flew combat missions in the F-105 Thunderchief during the Vietnam War. He retired in 1972 at the rank of colonel with a long list of decorations, including two Legion of Merits, five Distinguished Flying Crosses, the Bronze Star, 16 Air Medals, the French Legion of Honor, and the French Croix de Guerre.

Indeed, Brown noted that in reading over Anderson’s record, he came across one evaluation he found “most telling.”

“‘He has the experience and the potential for advancement to positions of greater responsibility, and I consider him general officer material,’” Brown said, quoting the note, then adding, “So we’ve come full circle.”

Brown and Anderson had met before the Dec. 2 ceremony, the Chief of Staff noted. As a student at Air Command and Staff College, as commander of Pacific Air Forces, and as CSAF at the Oshkosh air show, Brown spoke with Anderson, who was already firmly entrenched as a famed and decorated pilot.

“Today’s number four,” Brown said. “And so I’m so glad that our paths have crossed so many different times.”

Now a general officer, Anderson kept his remarks at the ceremony brief.

“I usually have a short talk and a long talk,” Anderson said. “And the short one is ‘Thank you,’ and the long one is ‘Thank you very much.’ This event exceeds that phrase.”

In 2019, Anderson spoke with Air & Space Forces Magazine, recounting how he trained in P-39 Cobras, then learned en route to Europe that he’d be among the first combat pilots in the P-51. He also told the story of how he led P-51s (the best American fighter) against BF-109Gs (Germany’s best fighters) in a pitched, four-on-four battle.

Space Force Activates CENTCOM Component to Gain Influence, Extend Support

Dec. 2, 2022 | By Chris Gordon

The Space Force activated its Middle East component on Dec. 2 as the service moves to secure more responsibility with U.S. worldwide combatant commands. In the latest stand-up, U.S. Space Forces-Central (SPACECENT) was activated in a ceremony at MacDill Air Force Base, Fla., with Space Force Col. Christopher Putman becoming the first commander.

“Unless you have that unifying effort, we’re going to be a little bit scattershot,” Putman said in an interview. “One of the biggest opportunities we’ll have is to unify all those previously disparate efforts and get us all on the same page.”

SPACECENT is the newest service component under U.S. Central Command and will be responsible for space operations in CENTCOM’s area of responsibility, which stretches from the Middle East to Southeast Asia and includes potential adversaries such as Iran.

CENTCOM Commander Gen. Michael “Erik” Kurilla lauded the new component during the ceremony.

“Space underpins every element of warfighting in the CENTCOM region,” Kurilla said. “It has long been so.”

Kurilla outlined his focus, and said the Space Force will play an important rule in achieving the command’s goals. CENTCOM is focused on “deterring Iran; countering terror groups; competing with China and Russia in the Middle East, Levant, and Central Asia; countering increasingly sophisticated Iranian UAVs and rockets,” according to Kurilla.

“All these priorities require access to the cosmos,” he said.

The activation of SPACECENT comes less than two weeks after a Space Force component of U.S. Indo-Pacific Command launched. More geographic commands will follow. A Space Force component of U.S. European Command is planned, and Space Force leaders say a Space Force component of U.S. Forces Korea will soon be activated.

Putman is familiar with the job. Before being named to his new post, he previously served as director of space forces for Air Forces Central. Most of his staff will transfer over.

“My position is the only new one,” Putman said. “I think the transition is going to be beneficial for CENTCOM across all the components. When we were embedded with the air component, we were primarily focused on the integration of air and space. Now that we’re a separate component, our focus is on supporting all the components and commanders equally across all the domains, across all services, across all components. It’s spreading the space support across everyone.”

Today, US Central Command activates US Space Forces Central Command. Here is the official emblem of the new organization. pic.twitter.com/RaguDgl1b0
— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) December 2, 2022

In other services, Putman’s geographic component command would be staffed by a more senior officer. But the Space Force has a dearth of generals, and the post of commander of Space Forces in the Pacific received priority, activating Nov. 22 with Brig. Gen. Anthony J. Mastalir at the head.

“We’re not big enough,” Gen. David D. Thompson, the Vice Chief of Space Operations, said when asked about the issue. “That kind of overhead is not something that we can afford.”

So SPACECENT, like the rest of the Space Force’s geographic commands save for the Indo-Pacific, will be led by colonels, who Thompson said will have to “punch above their weight.”

Putman will be based at CENTCOM headquarters at MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa, Fla., which he sees as ensuring his voice is heard.

“I will be in Tampa. This is where the headquarters are going to be,” Putman said. “We determined that due to the small size of the component, it was really important to be as close as possible to the commander.”

The rest of the SPACENT staff of about 30 Guardians will mainly be forward-deployed at Al Udeid Air Base, Qatar, though some staff will also be based at Shaw Air Force Base, S.C., where Air Forces Central is home-based. Putman and some of his staff will report to Kurilla at MacDill.

“The policies, planning, and requirements are all going to be done at MacDill, and that makes it the right place to integrate this team,” said Tim Ryan, the senior resident fellow for space studies at AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies.

The new Space Force components will help the Space Force advocate for resources and help the geographical commands better understand space threats, Putman said.

“I think one of the great things about having a component here is you now have a voice from all the combatant commands into the programming and budgeting cycle,” Putman said. “Gen. Kurilla has a dedicated component commander that now provides a voice and an input into the Space Force acquisition process. INDOPACOM now has a service component commander that has a direct voice into the Space Force acquisition process, and same thing with EUCOM and all the other combatant commands.”

Putman said the new command will help the Space Force acquire the capability it needs.

“That way Space Force has a very good input so that we’re designing the right things,” Putman said. “When we were buried in the Air Force, there was a lot of competing priorities with different systems.”

Putman faces a complex threat. The U.S. defense strategy is now focused on China and Russia as the two biggest challenges and is shifting from two decades of focus on counterinsurgency in the Middle East. But regional threats remain. Putman cited Iran as the biggest danger to U.S. interests and American allies in the region.

“We’re keenly attuned to the threat from Iran,” Putman said. “Just because we stand up a new component really doesn’t change how we address the threat. Obviously, Iran is going to increase their capabilities and keep moving forward.”

Iran’s space capabilities, though currently not very technologically advanced, are improving. The current regime in Tehran has “increased political emphasis on Iran’s space program,” according to the Secure World Foundation’s 2022 Global Counterspace Capabilities assessment.

“Iran has a nascent space program that includes building and launching small satellites that have limited capability,” the study said. Iran seeks to “persistently interfere with commercial satellite signals, although the capability against military signals is difficult to ascertain.”

If U.S. forces are under attack, SPACECENT will need to help protect them. Part of SPACECENT’s job will be to provide warning of missile attacks against U.S. troops in the region, according to Putman.

“The problem we have is short times of flight,” Putman said. “Look at the map, and missiles from Iran to our bases get here a lot quicker than if you’re in the Indo-Pacific and you’re shooting from China to, say, Guam or pick any U.S. base there. The time of flights make our job that much more critical, and we have to be that much more precise and timely with our warnings.”

But satellites, for now, cannot hide.

“The thing you’ve got to remember with the space domain, anything that happens in the space domain affects everyone,” Putman said. “If INDOPACOM’s fighting China and China decides to do something malicious towards our U.S. satellites, the loss of those capabilities just doesn’t affect INDOPACOM. It affects us as well. And same thing can be said with Russia and EUCOM.”

Overall, the Space Force cannot fully integrate with the rest of the joint force if their operations are unknown to decision-makers. Putman said the new component will boost the role of the Space Force in the CENTCOM area of responsibility.

“You didn’t have a component in the theaters,” Putman said. “It was the air component. Maybe the needs of what space capabilities we have got lost in the noise.”

Now, Putman said, “I’ve got a seat at the front table.”

American Public’s Concern About Nuclear War Growing, Survey Finds

Dec. 2, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

One out of every three Americans is extremely concerned about the possibility of a nuclear war within the next five years, as worries about Russia and the security situation in Europe have surged, according to the results of a new survey.

The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute’s annual National Defense Survey, released Dec. 1, shows an American public increasingly aware of and nervous about the threats posed by near-peer competitors such as China and Russia—particularly in light of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Out of 2,538 U.S. adults surveyed in mid-November, 69 percent said they were extremely or somewhat concerned about the possibility of a nuclear war in the next five years. That marks the highest percentage recorded since the survey began in 2018, and is eight points higher than last year alone—the largest year-over-year increase of any concern asked about.

That increase was largely driven by more people saying they were extremely concerned about it, up from 26 percent a year ago to 33 percent now.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is likely responsible for the new waves of concern about the issue, as Russian President Vladimir Putin has engaged in nuclear saber-rattling for months now. Starting in February, he put Russia’s nuclear forces on high alert. And ever since, he has left open the possibility of using nuclear weapons on the battlefield, while Russian officials have tried to muddy the waters by claiming Ukraine may use a radioactive “dirty bomb”—a move some U.S. and Western observers have warned could be a pretext for Russia using its own nuclear weapons.

In April, Congress’ nuclear adviser went so far as to wonder whether Russia could be looking to spark World War 3 with its actions.

Perhaps unsurprisingly, then, the percentage of survey respondents who said they were extremely or somewhat concerned about a nuclear attack by Russia on the U.S. rose from 60 percent a year ago to 71 percent now. Regarding the potential use of a nuclear weapon in Ukraine, the level of concern rose to 77 percent.

Beyond the threat of nuclear attack, though, the invasion of Ukraine has seemingly led more Americans to view Russia as an adversary.

Since the survey began in 2018, the percentage of respondents who identified Russia as the greatest threat to the U.S. declined every year, reaching a low of just 14 percent in 2021. This year, that trend sharply reversed with a surge to 31 percent, the highest figure recorded in five years.

Along those same lines, the percentage of those who identified Russia as somewhat or strongly an enemy of the U.S. jumped from 65 percent a year ago to 82 percent now.

China

But while concerns about Russia have increased, Americans have not forgotten about the ongoing competition with China—identified as the key challenge facing the U.S. in the recent National Defense Strategy.

China is still the top answer among survey respondents when asked to identify the greatest threat to the U.S., at 43 percent. And a plurality still believe the military should focus its forces in the Indo-Pacific region, specifically East Asia.

Indeed, 70 percent of survey respondents said they were extremely or somewhat worried about the invasion of Ukraine “distracting policymakers from the threat posed by China,” a finding highlighted by officials from the Reagan Institute in a press briefing.

The same percentage said they were concerned about China invading Taiwan, the first time that question has been asked in the survey’s history.

A plurality of respondents even said they would support committing U.S. ground troops to the defense of Taiwan in the event of a Chinese invasion—43 percent compared to 36 percent opposed. The survey then went even further in testing potential support in the case of an invasion.

“The pollsters have encouraged us to explore something quite common in polling, which is you sort of give people a piece of information and see if it changes their view,” said Rachel Hoff, policy director at the Reagan Institute. “And so after hearing a couple of sentences … about Taiwan being a democracy and being the world’s largest producer of semiconductors and testing whether that changes their view with regard to Taiwan, 65 percent then say that they’re open to the idea of committing U.S. forces in the case of a Taiwan contingency.”

Spending and Trust

As concerns about potential aggression by both Russia and China grow, the vast majority of survey respondents favor increasing defense spending—76 percent. And of that 76 percent, 48 percent said they strongly held that view. That represents a slight increase from years past.

The support for more spending has been reflected in Congress as of late, as lawmakers have moved to increase the top line of the Pentagon’s budget beyond what President Joe Biden’s administration has requested.

But even as support for more spending remains high, the question of trust in the military remains a contentious one.

Last year’s Reagan survey found a sharp decline among those who said they had “a great deal of trust and confidence” in the military as an institution, going from 70 percent in 2018 to 45 percent in 2021. Experts attributed that largely to increasing political polarization and the fallout from the turbulent withdrawal from Afghanistan.

This year, the survey showed a slight bump in those with a great deal of trust, up to 48 percent. And while it is still less than a majority, no other institution about which respondents were asked—including Congress, the Supreme Court, the news media, the presidency, law enforcement, and election administrators—registered more than 33 percent. All but Congress posted year-over-year declines in trust as well.

The biggest reasons for declining trust in the military cited by respondents was the perception of military leadership becoming overly politicized and the performance and competence of the Presidents as the Commander-in-Chief.

B-21 to Be Capable of Holding at Risk Any Target on Earth

Dec. 2, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

After seven years of tightly guarded development, the first B-21 Raider will be unveiled today during a ceremony at Northrop Grumman’s plant in Palmdale, Calif. There, the company is building at least six of the new stealth bombers, which it calls the “first sixth-generation” combat aircraft.

WATCH LIVE: B-21 Raider to Make Public Debut This Evening

The B-21 will be the centerpiece of the Air Force’s long-range strike portfolio, expected to enter service in a few years and persist for decades with continuous improvements to make it capable against tough and evolving air defense threats worldwide.

The rollout sparks some deja-vu as it takes place at the same facility where the company rolled out the B-2, the first stealth bomber, in a ceremony 34 years ago last month. The two aircraft bear a strong family resemblance. Both are large flying-wings and have a clear lineage from the YB-35 and YB-49 flying wing bomber prototypes designed by Jack Northrop himself some 70 years ago.

Although the Air Force has released several artist’s renderings of the Raider, all of those preliminary images have had features concealed or altered to protect the airplane’s secret attributes. Today’s unveiling will be the first time the jet will be on uncensored display. Even so, it is expected that it will be presented in such a way as to conceal some of those characteristics.

A live video feed of the ceremony is to be broadcast, and network news coverage is also expected.

There is no set definition of what a “sixth-generation” combat aircraft is. Fifth generation has come to be regarded as aircraft possessing stealth characteristics and sensor fusion to achieve unprecedented situational awareness of the battle space. Some attributes of the “sixth generation” may be the ability to be “optionally manned”—a feature the B-21 is supposed to have—even better sensors, sharply improved stealth, and potentially, capability to use directed-energy weapons such as lasers or high-powered microwave beams.

Major unknowns about the B-21—which may or may not be answered by today’s revelation—are its exact size and the number and type of Pratt & Whitney engines beneath its stealthy skin. One of the only hiccups in development known about the B-21 was that the air intakes needed refinement to improve airflow through the serpentine engine ducts, which shield the fan blades—a major radar reflector—from enemy view.

The B-21 is the centerpiece of a “family of systems” which the Air Force and Northrop Grumman have said will include external support platforms and enablers. These have not been described in detail but are likely to include jam-resistant satellite communications and the possible use of bomber-launched decoys, radar jammers, or intelligence-collection vehicles.

Although originally expected to be named the B-3, former Air Force Secretary Deborah Lee James decided in 2016 to name the bomber the B-21, to reflect its status as the Air Force’s principal bomber for the 21st century. It was named the Raider to honor the Doolittle Raiders of World War II, which carried the first counterstrike against the Japanese home islands after the bombing of Pearl Harbor. The innovative mission—flown by Army bombers off Navy carriers to extend their reach—surprised the Japanese, who believed their home territory to be too far removed from the U.S. to be under threat.

Northrop Grumman went under contract to develop NGB technologies, both to leverage what it had learned in creating the B-2 as well as to develop improved stealth capabilities for that aircraft, which have been applied during various upgrades since. These include improved stealth surface treatments, more efficient and repeatable ways of applying the treatments, and electronic warfare upgrades.

The new program was dubbed the Long-Range Strike aircraft, and equal among its performance requirements was the need to keep its unit cost under $550 million in 2010 dollars.

Air Force officials also said the first aircraft would be available for operational use in the “mid-2020s.”

Prior to the contract award, the Air Force had spent nearly $2 billion on risk-reduction efforts, and LaPlante announced that the engineering, manufacturing, and development contract would cost $21.4 billion in 2010 dollars.

He said the EMD contract would be a “cost-reimbursable type” with incentives for Northrop Grumman to meet the planned cost schedule and “reduced profit if they do not control” those factors.

Although it has divulged little about the bomber’s progress, the Air Force has said the B-21 is meeting expectations and living within the cost limits imposed at its outset.

In a statement released by Northrop Grumman ahead of the rollout, it said it’s applying “continuously advancing technology, employing new manufacturing techniques and materials to ensure the B-21 will defeat the anti-access, area-denial systems it will face.” The aircraft benefits from more than three decades of strike and stealth technology, the company said. Among Northrop Grumman’s other stealth programs are the B-2 Spirit bomber, the YF-23 fighter prototype, the Tacit Blue stealth demonstrator, the AGM-137 Tri-Service Standoff Missile, and numerous other presumed classified programs.

The company’s RQ-4 Global Hawk family of unmanned, high-altitude intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance aircraft are gradually being phased out of USAF service, but there is strong evidence they are being superseded by another Northop Grumman stealth platform called the RQ-180, said to bear a strong resemblance to the B-21.

The company also revealed that it has created a “digital twin” of the B-21 to facilitate and speed any changes made to the platform in the digital world before applying them to physical aircraft.

Northrop Grumman also said that, because of the B-21’s “open architecture,” it will forego a common pattern on other programs: the block upgrade.

WATCH: B-21 Raider Makes Public Debut

Dec. 2, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

Editor’s Note: This story was updated after the conclusion of the B-21 unveiling ceremony.

PALMDALE, Calif.—The Air Force and Northrop Grumman rolled out the service’s first new bomber in 34 years on Dec. 2—the B-21 Raider .

In an eagerly awaited ceremony at Air Force Plant 42 in Palmdale, Calif., the B-21 made its public debut after seven years of development behind the scenes and only a few artists’ renderings.

The invitation-only event included Air Force and political dignitaries and a limited number of media representatives. Photography was permitted, but the Air Force restricted the size of lenses photographers could use, and viewing of the aircraft was limited to one section of the facility.

A video replay of the event can be viewed below:

Alternatively, the ceremony can be viewed on YouTube.

The rollout is the first for a new Air Force bomber since 1988, when the B-2 Spirit emerged from the same facility.

Northrop Grumman has teased a few details about the secretive aircraft, describing complementary elements of the B-21 “family of systems”; confirming a “digital twin” version of the aircraft; and, in a break with previous programs, eliminating the “block upgrade” approach to modernization.

While the public got its first glimpse of the B-21 on Dec. 2, a first flight for the aircraft is still several months away, with the most recent timeline projecting a date of mid-2023.

The Air Force tentatively plans to buy as many as 145 B-21s in time. Over the next five years, the service plans to spend nearly $20 billion on the program, and another $12 billion on research and development for the program during that same period, for a total of $32 billion.

The B-21 will succeed the B-1B and B-2 bombers now in service, but the exact dates of those turnovers has been walked back in recent years. Three years ago, the plan was for the B-2 and B-1 to retire in 2031 and 2032, respectively. But officials have said those dates depend on progress with the B-21 and have pledged that the existing bombers will not retire until they “shake hands” with the B-21s that replace them.