GAO to Pentagon: Get Your Tactical Aviation Plans In Line

Dec. 20, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

The military services are leaving capability gaps as they divest of older aircraft but aren’t coordinating their tactical aviation spending plans to minimize risk, the Government Accountability Office said in a new report.

While the Pentagon agrees that it needs a portfolio approach to fighter modernization, GAO said, the Defense Department is dragging its heels in creating one.

In its report, “Tactical Aircraft Investments: DOD Needs Additional Portfolio Analysis to Inform Future Budget,” GAO said some mission areas are going unaddressed because DOD “has not yet conducted integrated acquisition portfolio-level analyses of its tactical aircraft platforms.”

The military services are poised to spend $20 billion a year on fighter modernization through 2027, GAO reported, and there’s danger of both duplication and unmet needs. For example, the Navy plans to retire land-based EA-18 Growler stand-in jammer aircraft, but the Air Force, which relies on those Growlers for electronic attack, doesn’t have an alternative.

The Growlers “support joint force requirements for tactical airborne electronic attack capability and capacity,” the GAO noted. While the Navy says this a “‘non-core’ mission” for naval aviation and is cutting it in favor of higher priorities, the Air Force has told Congress “that if the Navy goes through with this proposal, it would leave the joint force—particularly the Air Force— without an electronic warfare capability considered critical to its operations,” the GAO said.

The Navy is studying how to recapitalize its sea-based Growlers once they reach the end of their service life, circa 2040. These studies “are expected to inform the 2024 budget proposal,” the GAO reported. The Navy is upgrading shipborne Growlers to better deal with “advanced dynamic Integrated Air Defense Systems.”

Divestiture has been a hot button issue with the Air Force, as well. Until recently, Congress has repeatedly rebuffed USAF’s wish to retire A-10 Warthog close air support jets in favor of multirole aircraft that can do more types of missions. “Divesting of existing tactical aircraft to pay for new development creates a delicate balance and is a decision that should be made with the most detailed information,” GAO said.

Despite the lack of coordination, the services have completed at least eight recent tactical aviation studies, generally concluding that existing Air Force and Navy fighter aircraft “did not have the capabilities needed to compete in future combat scenarios, and some noted the need to invest in advanced technologies to address future needs. Three of the studies, which the Navy prepared, identified [current] shortfalls in the Navy’s capacity, or inventory of tactical aircraft.”

This is hardly the first time GAO has recommended that the Pentagon impose top-down coordination on the services’ TacAir plans. The GAO has been making similar recommendations since 2015, and in 2019 chided the Pentagon for not having an effective portfolio-based approach to managing its weapons procurement, patterned on commercial approaches.

In those previous audits, GAO “concluded that DOD defaulted to optimizing and addressing problems in individual programs instead of focusing on portfolios of programs that might provide greater military capability at lower risk or cost.”

The GAO urged the Secretary of Defense to “revise a DOD directive to reflect leading practices and promote development of better tools to enable integrated portfolio reviews and analyses of weapon system investments. We also recommended that the Secretary of Defense direct the military services to update or develop policies that require them to conduct annual portfolio reviews.”

DOD has “taken steps” to improve its portfolio management practices, GAO said, “a step in the right direction.” These “could provide insight into certain aspects of its investments such as tactical aircraft weapons,” GAO continued. However, “the lack of an integrated acquisition portfolio review of tactical aircraft platforms leaves DOD and Congress with limited insight into interdependencies, risks, and related trade-offs among some of DOD’s highest priority and most expensive investments,” the GAO said.

In the absence of a portfolio approach, “DOD will miss an opportunity to provide additional insight into the factors the military services consider as they propose retiring or sustaining existing tactical aircraft platforms and funding new developments.” This is crucial considering “competing priorities within the military services, and quickly evolving threats.” DOD and Congress need “comprehensive information as soon as practicable to make well-informed investment decisions going forward.”

The GAO report noted that in August 2016 it found that the DOD “and the Air Force did not have quality information on the full implications of A-10 divestment, including “gaps that could be created” by its divestment “and mitigation options.” The Air Force subsequently found “a continued need” for the aircraft, but GAO “did not assess the quality of information used by the Air Force in its most recent studies that support” A-10 divestitures. The Air Force is pruning its A-10 fleet, while also investing $466 million to upgrade and re-wing some A-10s by 2027.

GAO did not address “additional divestment details” about the Air Force’s F-15C, F-15E, F-16 ,and F-22 fleets, which “were deemed sensitive and have been omitted from this report.”

The Air Force has said its tactical aviation plans are in flux as it defines the roles to be played by the Next-Generation Air Dominance fighter and the introduction of new Collaborative Combat Aircraft, which are autonomous, uncrewed airplanes that support crewed combat aircraft.

But the Air Force’s most recent fighter roadmap, dubbed “4+1”, calls for the F-22 to be replaced by NGAD circa 2030; the F-35 to be the backbone of the force; the F-15C and E to be replaced by the F-5EX; and the F-16 to remain as a force-builder platform. The A-10 is the “plus one” in this plan, and would be retired early in the next decade.

Air Force Gets New Robots for Explosive Ordnance Disposal

Dec. 19, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The Air Force has received its first new large-size explosive ordnance disposal robots, the latest in a series of upgrades to better equip EOD Airmen to clear unexploded bombs on runways and other air facilities.

Four of the new T7 robotic systems were formally handed over to the Air Force by contractor L3Harris, according to a Dec. 15 release. The handover came a few months after the 96th Test Wing’s explosive ordnance disposal flight began training on the system.

The new robots replace the F6A, which the Air Force has used for the past two decades to dispose of explosives at bases around the globe. The Air Force and L3Harris say the T7s are faster and havemore cameras, farther reach, stronger robotic arms, longer battery life, and extended radio range, so operators can control the robot from farther away.

The Air Force has ordered 107 of the robots and could buy as many as 170 under its contract with L3Harris.

“The T7 will help safeguard Air Force EOD operators as they mitigate explosive threats around the globe,” said L3 Harris President for Space and Airborne Systems Ed Zoiss, in a release. Calling the T-7 “the world’s most capable robot for challenging EOD tasks” he added: “We’re keenly aware of what’s at stake for these operators and constantly refine and enhance our robotic systems to minimize risk and maximize utility during these dangerous, no-fail missions.”

The delivery of the new robots into the Air Force inventory comes a little over two years after the service began rolling out its medium-sized EOD robot, the Man Transportable Robot System Increment II (MTRS II). Compared to the 710-pound T7 checks, the MTRS II weighs only around 160 pounds. The Air Force ordered 330 of the smaller robots.

More recently, the Air Force announced plans in February to field reconditioned armored vehicles equipped with lasers to detonate unexploded ordnance on airfields.

The RADBO, for Recovery of Airbase Denied By Ordnance, is based on the Cougar Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicle (MRAP) and will have a robotic arm to investigate runway craters for unexploded ordnance, and a three-kilowatt Zeus III laser that can detonate “heavily cased” unexploded bombs from as far as 300 meters away.

Unlike the T7 and the MTRS II, the RADBO would do “disposal by detonation,” which officials say is often the safest and easiest way to get rid of explosive threats.

L3Harris to Buy Aerojet Rocketdyne for $4.7 Billion

Dec. 19, 2022 | By Chris Gordon

L3Harris announced plans Dec. 18 to acquire Aerojet Rocketdyne, the only U.S. maker of certain propulsion components for several key American military and space assets for $4.7 billion.

The deal, which requires final approval from the Federal Trade Commission, would secure L3Harris as one of the Department of Defense’s prime contractors. It would also as close a multiyear saga in the aerospace industry after Lockheed Martin walked away from a deal to buy Aerojet Rocketdyne amid scrutiny from the FTC and some members of Congress.

Aerojet is an important propulsion supplier, powering everything from anti-tank weapons to NASA rockets. But the company’s hand in many of America’s most sensitive weapons and space assets caused trouble for the plans to sell its business to a larger contractor amid fears of consolidation in the defense industry. Aerojet Rocketdyne has faced internal upheaval since the Lockheed Martin deal fell apart.

The deal is subject to regulatory approval, something that has tripped up previous attempts to sell the company. Lockheed Martin previously attempted to buy Aerojet for $4.4 billion, but the Federal Trade Commission filed suit, arguing a takeover by the largest defense contractor would consolidate the industry too much. As a result, Lockheed Martin walked away from the deal in February.

Since the Lockheed Martin deal went awry, Aerojet’s products have gained an international spotlight—the company produces rocket motors for several products key to U.S. aid to Ukraine, including the Stinger man-portable air defense system and the GMLRS rockets used by the HIMARS system, which Ukraine has used to great effect in pushing back Russian forces. It also powers some hypersonic systems the U.S. military is pushing to field.

Elected leaders and Department of Defense officials have long expressed concern over the consolation of the defense industry, especially in the missile sector.

Aerojet Rocketdyne is the “nation’s last independent supplier of key missile inputs,” Bureau of Competition Director Holly Vedova said when the FTC sued to block the Lockheed Martin deal.

While L3Harris is one of the Pentagon’s six biggest defense contractors, it does not have a major foothold in the growing tactical missile, strategic missile, hypersonic weapons, missile defense, or space propulsion markets, noted Jim McAleese, a defense industry analyst. That makes the deal more likely to go through.

In a release announcing the deal, L3Harris acknowledged the Department of Defense’s broad concerns over the defense industrial base, which has faced issues due to COVID-19, supply chain disruptions, and demand spurred by the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine.

“We’ve heard the DOD leadership loud and clear: they want high-quality, innovative and cost-effective solutions to meet both current and emerging threats, and they’re relying upon a strong, competitive industrial base to deliver those solutions,’ L3Harris CEO Chris Kubasik said in the release.

Rather than weaken the industrial base through consolidation, the move will be good for American security, the companies insisted.

“The acquisition will ensure the defense industrial base and our customers will have a strengthened merchant supplier to effectively address both current and emerging threats–and promote scientific discovery and innovation–through targeted investment in advanced missile technologies, hypersonics, and more,” the companies said in a joint statement.

STARCOM Hosts Largest Ever Space Flag Exercise, Focusing on Europe

Dec. 19, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

Space Training and Readiness Command hosted its largest ever Space Flag exercise at Schriever Space Force Base, Colo., from Dec. 5 to 16, with 165 participants exercising potential strategies for a European conflict.

Every Delta from Space Operations Command had a representative at Space Flag 23-1, which also drew participants from the Space Force Element of the National Reconnaissance Office, the U.S. Air Force, and partner nations Canada, Australia, and the United Kingdom.

“This Space Flag focused on a [U.S. European Command] scenario, so we wanted to present the problem in that theater and exercise our ability to win it based off of various problems that we presented to the team,” said Lt. Col. Albert Harris, commander of the 392nd Combat Training Squadron, in a briefing for reporters. “During that conflict, we had the opportunity to practice our orbital warfare techniques, our electronic warfare techniques, our space domain awareness techniques, and intelligence command. We didn’t just do that with the U.S. forces, we had an opportunity to do that with the coalition, as well.”

Harris didn’t offer details of the European scenario, saying only that it offered unique issues for Guardians to address.

“The challenges are different… because the threats are different, a different landmass,” Harris said. “You’ve got water on one side, land on the other, just a different approach to the problems that are in that specific area.”

A STARCOM spokeswoman said the exercise involved “theater-specific problems along with strategic and operational guidance. The training audience then developed mission plans including possible courses of action based on realistic threats.”

Russia poses the greatest threat in any European scenaro. Space assets have played a major role in Europe’s and Ukraine’s response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, providing the Ukrainians internet access despite jamming and also providing access to intelligence.

That’s brought new Russian threats about potentially targeting satellites. Coming after Russia’s anti-satellite test last November, which created a massive debris field in orbit that still threatens other satellites, those threats are ominous.

The U.S. Space Force has been standing up component commands in major operating theaters since November, and will stand up a European component some time in 2023, matching the units established within U.S. Indo-Pacific Command and U.S. Central Command.

Space Flag also involved an element of cyber warfare. Maj. Gen. Shawn N. Bratton, commander of STARCOM, has been vocal about integrating cyber into the exercises, and participants said they learned to utilize it throughout this edition.

“It took me until the third period of our execution to know that what I was in charge of was affected by something [the cyber team] did,” 1st Lt. Colleen O’Hara, a member of Space Delta 4, said. “I had no idea, I didn’t do any planning that was associated with it until someone told me ‘Hey, you are reliant on cyber, you need to pay attention and look at this.’ We were able to mitigate some issues that were going to take place if we hadn’t thought about utilizing their capability.”

As with cyber, the exercise was also one of the first the Space Force has held with international participants.

Flight Lieutenant Adon Lumley of the Royal Australian Air Force, said that from his perspective, “to come and share and learn from our special allied friends—the Americans, Canadians, and the British—it’s a unique experience to learn and develop.” He added: “What I get to take home is an incredible network of incredible people from across the world, who have got amazing talents that I can leverage in any future problem or challenge.”

Both U.S. and allied participants said the exercise helped reinforce the importance of resilience, both for equipment and personnel.

“We started with one of our [Precision Navigation and Timing] personnel being taken out due to being sick,” Capt. Eries Thompson of Space Delta 8 said. “And so the SATCOM side had to step up and not only learn all about PNT but be able to brief it and be able to answer questions and to also be able to defend PNT as well. So taking into account not only our assets but our personnel as well and learning about our coalition partners, what they can bring to the table … and understand how we all work and how we are all glued together really helped us in this exercise.”

Moving forward, Thompson said exercise participants “can be challenged to see how we can take our resiliency a step further,” though she added that “up to this point, we were able to meet our objectives and do what we needed to based on the way that our systems are set up right now.”

Space Flag is the Space Force’s premier training exercise, based in part on the Air Force’s series of Red Flag exercises. It was first held in 2017, before the Space Force even stood up, and in 2020, it was held for the first time under the Space Training and Readiness Delta Provisional, which officially became STAR Command in August 2021.

In June, Space Flag was accredited by the Joint National Training Capability initiative, joining a small group of exercises across the Department of Defense to receive such recognition, giving it access to joint funding and support and better allowing the Space Force to integrate with joint partners as part of the exercise.

It is also one of a series of exercises for the Space Force is planning as STARCOM ramps up its efforts to give Guardians more and better training. And for the younger Guardians in this exercise, it was an especially valuable experience.

“Being the only second lieutenant in the exercise, I was one of the more junior members,” 2nd Lt. Tyler Johnson of Space Delta 7 said. “And I would say before this, going into it, I’m still learning my systems—I work in space electromagnetic warfare. But I don’t think I had an overall picture until I came to Space Flag and I think it was a good opportunity to see how all of … the packages fit into each other because nothing operates by themselves.”

Air Force Orders Indefinite Safety Stand-down of B-2 Fleet

Dec. 19, 2022 | By Chris Gordon

The Air Force has ordered a safety stand-down for its entire fleet of B-2 Spirit stealth bombers, after an emergency landing damaged one of the billion-dollar planes Dec. 10 at Whiteman Air Force Base, Mo., and closed the base’s only runway.

The Dec. 10 incident occurred after an in-flight malfunction forced the emergency landing. Photos from local media outlets and satellite imagery showed the aircraft with one wing on the ground, partially off the runway—the Air Force has only confirmed the aircraft was damaged after it landed and there was a fire.

Whiteman is home to the Air Force’s entire fleet of strategic stealth bombers, which are operated by the 509th Bomb Wing.

“The safety pause is for all B-2s in the fleet,” 509th Bomb Wing spokesperson MSgt. Beth Del Vecchio told Air & Space Forces Magazine in an email on Dec. 19.

News of the stand-down was first hinted at in a release issued Dec. 16 by the 509th Bomb Wing, which said a B-2 would not perform a flyover of the 2023 Rose Parade or Rose Bowl college football game in Pasadena, Calif, as is tradition, with a B-1B Lancer taking its place.

“Our number one concern is the safety and security of our personnel and fleet,” Col. Daniel Diehl, commander of the 509th Bomb Wing, said in the statement. “Although we are not participating in this flyover, we remain steadfast in our commitment to answer our nation’s call.”

Pressed for further details Dec. 19, the 509th Bomb Wing detailed that all 20 B-2s in its fleet would not fly while the service conducts safety inspections.

“Whiteman AFB will have a safety pause of B-2 flights in order to inspect the fleet following the incident Dec. 10, 2022,” Del Vecchio said.

The Aviationist first reported news of the stand-down, citing a notice to Airmen (NOTAM) that Whiteman’s runway closure had extended into 2023. Del Vecchio said the safety stand-down will go on indefinitely.

“At this time, there is no speculated end date for the safety pause,” Del Vecchio said. “Every incident is unique and we are currently evaluating what went wrong and how we can mitigate future risk. We will resume normal operations once a safety investigation has been concluded.”

The Air Force’s fleet of B-2s is just 20 aircraft after limited production and a crash that destroyed one aircraft in 2008. Another B-2 crashed at Whiteman Air Force Base in September 2021, which also closed the runway. An Air Force investigation found problems with the hydraulic system and worn springs in the landing gear that caused the gear to collapse on touchdown. The plane skidded down the runway before resting in the grass, picking up at least $10 million in damage.

Taking a look at @planet imagery collected earlier today, the B-2 Spirit that crashed on Dec 10 is shown at an angle on the only runway at Whiteman AFB, MO. This can be compared to a B-2 in a similar location on the runway just over two months ago. https://t.co/vk0hgnWmr5 pic.twitter.com/F2rKaPwugr
— Amelia Smith (@ameliairheart) December 19, 2022

The aircraft involved in the 2021 incident has been undergoing extensive repair work, though the Air Force has not commented on the airworthiness.

The 509th Bomb Wing did not answer questions about whether the B-2 involved in the latest incident was salvageable or divulge any details on the extent of the damage. The spokeswoman said “recovery teams are working around the clock to minimize further disruptions” to Whiteman’s operations. Air Force Global Strike Command did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the stand-down.

“The incident is under investigation and further details will be released upon completion of the official investigation,” Del Vecchio said.

Bipartisan NDAA Merits President’s Quick Signature: AFA

Dec. 16, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

As the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act awaits President Joe Biden’s signature to officially become law, Air & Space Forces Association leaders lauded the overwhelming bipartisan majorities that passed the bill in both the House and Senate, and urged the President to sign the bill swiftly.

A top official said Biden will consider the bill “as a whole,” suggesting he may be willing to overlook a provision that would undo the COVID-19 vaccine mandate now in place for all service members.

“It’s gratifying to see strong bipartisan support for the Department of Defense,” said AFA Chairman of the Board Bernie Skoch. “AFA is particularly pleased that with this legislation Congress is increasing our nation’s investment in national defense, and in particular in our Air and Space Forces. We encourage President Biden to sign this bill into law and to continue improving, modernizing, and strengthening our armed forces in the year to come. Never has having a ready and capable military been more critical to our nation.”

The NDAA, an annual defense policy bill, cleared the Senate on Dec. 15 by 83-11, after clearing the House 350-80. White House officials have declined to say whether Biden might veto the legislation over the provision to end the COVID-19 vaccine mandate. That requirement, put in place by Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in September 2020, is generally credited with the military’s strong COVID-19 response, with some two million troops vaccinated. But it has also sparked lawsuits and controversy, as thousands of service members have been booted for refusing the shots.

National Security Council spokesman John F. Kirby declined Dec. 16 to speculate on whether Biden might veto the legislation. If he does, it would be the first of his presidency.

“Every single year the NDAA has things in it that we support, and it has things in it that we don’t support,” Kirby said, according to multiple media outlets. “The president will judge this NDAA as a whole, just as he has in the past. I’m not going to get ahead of the president.”

But while Kirby said repealing the vaccine mandate would be a “mistake,” and not in the “best interest” of military readiness, he also said Biden understands the value of signing the NDAA so the Defense Department can function smoothly.

“[Biden] also obviously believes that it’s important to fund our military,” Kirby said. “Getting an NDAA so that they can continue to allow the military to defend our national security interests around the world is obviously of prime importance to the president.”

While the NDAA does not appropriate funds, it does authorize spending. If the president were to veto the legislation, Congress could modify it or override his veto, given the strong bipartisan support for the bill. Because Congress is already busy trying to pass an omnibus spending bill, and time is short before the Christmas recess, however, overriding a veto might still be difficult.

The NDAA includes hundreds of new policy directives, mandatory reviews, and required studies. These include several provisions AFA leaders advocated for in the past year. For example:

For the Air Force, the bill would prohibit the retirement of any F-22 fighters through Sept. 30, 2027—the service had asked to retire 33 of its oldest Block 20 Raptors, saying they were too costly to maintain or upgrade. That request was met with fierce pushback from both the House and Senate Armed Services committees, and in a statement, AFA also called for the F-22 fleet to keep at least 184 aircraft, especially “as China ramps up production of its own fifth-generation J-20 fighter.”
Additionally, the NDAA also would add five F-35A fighters to the Air Force’s request of 33, bringing the total 2023 buy to 38. That’s still 10 fewer than it bought in fiscal 2022 and 22 fewer than 2021, but it does represent an increase. Funding for those extra jets must be appropriated in a separate spending bill, however.
For the Space Force, the NDAA would require the Air Force Secretary, in consultation with the Chief of Space Operations, to submit a report detailing the Space Force’s strategic objectives and a specific plan to achieve those objectives—AFA has pushed for the release of a comprehensive strategy for the new service.

“AFA will continue to advocate for the strongest Air and Space Forces possible,” Skoch said. “We are pleased that Congress is taking steps to properly equip our Airmen and Guardians so they can do their jobs to the best of their abilities and return home safely to their families.”

Leidos wins Hypersonic Project ‘Mayhem’ Deal, Worth up to $334M

Dec. 16, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The Air Force awarded a $334 million contract to Leidos for Project “Mayhem,” the secretive program to develop a hypersonic weapons and sensor platform, the Pentagon announced Dec. 16.

The award comes about two years after the Air Force first began seeking concepts, and nine months after the Air Force Research Laboratory formally issued its solicitation.

Mayhem seeks to develop an air-breathing hypersonic system larger than the hypersonic AGM-183A Air-launched Rapid Response Weapon, or ARRW, and able to carry multiple payloads for both strike and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance missions. Mayhem is intended to build the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency’s Hypersonic Air-breathing Weapon Concept, or HAWC, among others.

The contract award announcement states Mayhem is focused on “delivering a larger class air-breathing hypersonic system capable of executing multiple missions with a standardized payload interface, providing a significant technological advancement and future capability.”

The Air Force originally stated it would solicit concepts exclusively from Boeing, Lockheed Martin’s Skunkworks, and Raytheon, all companies with experience developing hypersonic technology. Leidos might be a surprise player, known primarily for information technology, cyber, and engineering capabilities, but having acquired Dynetics, which is designing the Army’s Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon program’s glide vehicle, it is now a major player in the field. Dynetics developed the GBU-69 Small Glide Munition as well as the GBU-43 MOAB. Leidos beat out five competing offers to win the contract.

In a press release, Leidos said it will team with Calspan, Draper, and Kratos, which together will “forge partnerships between the government, industry, and academia to deliver the cutting-edge research and development needed to design and prepare a production-ready technical data package to produce prototypes.”

The press release also stated that Leidos will use digital and model-based systems engineering, following an Air Force focus that increasingly emphasizes digital engineering weapons development as a means of accelerating development and increasing precision in design.

The first stage of the Mayhem contract is a $24 million award to conduct the system requirements review and conceptual design review, according to the Leidos press release.

Roughly $8.7 million from the 2022 research, development, test, and evaluation budget will fund initial work; additional funds will come from subsequent budgets. Work on the contract is expected to conclude by Oct. 15, 2028, 70 months from now.

Air Force Vice Chief: B-21 Not Just a Bomber, Will Mesh with JADC2, NGAD

Dec. 16, 2022 | By Tobias Naegele

The many capabilities embodied by the Air Force’s next-generation B-21 Raider extend beyond conventional measures of range, payload, and radar-penetrating stealth—they also include “other things that it can be a part of that could help leverage the agility and the speed that we need to stay ahead of the adversary,” Air Force Vice Chief of Staff Gen. David Allvin said in a recent interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine.

A former airlifter and test pilot who helped craft the vision that evolved into what is now known as joint all-domain command and control (JADC2), Allvin said the B-21’s unique characteristics will make it a crucial node in challenging the advanced capabilities of China as the nation’s pacing threat.

The full interview with Allvin will appear in the Air and Space Forces Magazine’s January-February edition.

“The B-21 could be the delivery platform [for precision ordnance] or there could be other roles that it could play, whether it be sensor, or whether it be accompanied with different types of collaborative combat aircraft,” Allvin said. “It has the capability to do some very unique things, and those unique things may not fall into the traditional ‘Put bombs in the bomb bay, go as deep as you can, and drop bombs’ [playbook].”

Allvin credited Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall for challenging the Air Force to see the B-21 “a little bit differently, not as just the next B-2, but as a part of a family of systems” that can generate a range of different effects and challenges to an adversary.

“Taking the attributes that it has, and seeing where it can best operate and how it can best operate as part of another system,” changes the definition of what a stealth bomber can do, Allvin said—and how it might work in tandem with another next-generation Air Force development project, the Next Generation Air Dominance family of systems.

“There’s no longer a single platform that just matters,” Allvin said. “We look at things in terms of fires and targets. And so how one combines to hit the right targets at the right time in the conflict … that doesn’t necessarily have to mean, this platform is going to go after all those assets, and this platform is going to [do something else]. There is a mixing of these that will enable you to leverage all the capabilities.”

Operationalizing B-21, NGAD, and the Advanced Battle Management System represent three of the seven Operational Imperatives that Kendall has pressed for over the course of his tenure. ABMS represents the systems that will make JADC2 not just a concept, but a true operational capability—the glue that will take existing and emerging new platforms and combine them into a network that connects sensors and shooters across the globe.

“That’s where this ‘Operationalizing Advanced Battle Management System’ Operational Imperative has come into play. And I think, that’s where we’re now starting to take all of the ideas—having a better understanding of what works and what doesn’t—and starting to put the architecture together,” Allvin said.

“You think about kill chains—links in the chain—and now you hear, of course, ‘kill webs.’ What does that mean? It means I have more than one way to get to the destination.”

That represents resilience in the information architecture as well as in offensive capability. “You have to focus on the targets—joint targets, mind you—in a way we really hadn’t imagined when you just had command and control by domain,” Allvin said.

This involves breaking down conventional barriers between services and domains, he added. “The more we can understand that the changing character of war means if I lose, you lose, and if you win at my expense, we all lose,” Allvin said, the more cooperative the individual service cultures will become. “We haven’t really had that type of conversation in the past. … We need to get that into our psyche, and then we’ll understand.”

Senate Passes 2023 NDAA. Will Biden Sign It?

Dec. 15, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The Senate passed the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) Dec. 15, sending the annual policy bill to President Joe Biden for his signature. But Biden could still opt to veto the bill over a controversial provision requiring the Pentagon to roll back its COVID-19 vaccine mandate.

The vaccine requirement helped lead to the near universal vaccination of the force, with nearly 2 million troops receiving one of the approved vaccines. But it also became a political flashpoint, sparking legal battles and resulting in thousands of service members being booted for refusing the shots.

Top Congressional Democrats agreed to the provision as part of a compromise NDAA unveiled Dec. 6, but the White House and Defense Department officials were not party to the deal, and have said it would be a “mistake” to drop the requirement.

Vetoing the entire bill would be a gamble for the president. Both the House and the Senate passed the NDAA by large enough margins—350-80 and 83-11, respectively—that a veto could potentially be easily overridden.

Hundreds of other policy decisions, report requirements, and directives are contained in the NDAA’s 4,408 pages. And while the bill does not appropriate funding—that is the job of the defense appropriations bill—it does authorize spending maximums and guidelines.

For the Air Force in particular, the bill would allow for the divestment of some aircraft, like the A-10, KC-135, and E-8 JSTARS, but blocks or restricts others, including F-22, F-15, E-3 AWACS, and C-40 aircraft.

For the Space Force, the bill would require the development of “requirements for the defense and resilience of the satellites” before entering into acquisition programs, as well as the public disclosure of the department’s strategy for protecting and defending satellites in orbit.

For service members, the bill includes provisions that would extend Pentagon authorities to temporarily increase the Basic Allowance for Housing in areas where prices increase dramatically, require a broader study of how BAH is formulated, and authorize an evaluation by the Comptroller General on each service’s marketing and recruiting practices.

The 2023 NDAA includes a top line of $858 billion for national defense, including $816.7 billion for the Pentagon. That funding would need to be appropriated in a spending bill that is still under negotiations in Congress. Leaders there announced Dec. 13 that they had agreed to a “framework” for an omnibus spending bill that would fund the entire federal government, but details must still be worked out.

In the meantime, the continuing resolution currently funding the government fiscal 2022 levels was set to expire after Dec. 16. The House passed another CR Dec. 14 that would last through Dec. 23, the end of next week, and the Senate agreed to it later Dec. 16.