Air Force Eyes More Uses for AI—with Guardrails

Air Force Eyes More Uses for AI—with Guardrails

The Air Force and other military services are deploying artificial intelligence tools in their IT networks and Security Operations Centers where personnel monitor cyber threats, officials said May 6—but they are leveraging the emerging technology cautiously even as some say it is ready to transform the very nature of warfare.

Col John W. Picklesimer, commander of the 67th Cyberspace Wing, said AI is more than just a buzzword. Airmen are using it to counter data overload in the SOC, a pervasive problem in defensive cyber operations across both the government and the private sector. Small SOC teams can easily be overwhelmed by the volume of alerts, most of which are false positives or routine attacks defeated by automated defenses.   

“We’ve engaged with a couple of our industry partners to bring AI … into a SOC location, pull the data feeds, and then let the AI actually analyze and provide some of those quick insights,” Picklesimer said during a panel discussion at AFCEA International’s TechNet Cyber conference. Personnel could then more easily triage reports and “go and dig deep” on the significant ones, he explained.  

Picklesimer said the wing had also been using NIPRGPT, an experimental generative AI chatbot developed by the Air Force Research Laboratory and cleared to run on the military’s unclassified global network—Non-secure Internet Protocol Router Network, or NIPRNet.

But he said Airmen shouldn’t use commercial tools that NIPRGPT was designed to mimic, like ChatGPT and other Large Language Models: “For day-to-day use, NIPRGPT is what we’re allowed to use,” he said. 

The chatbot has proved useful for summarizing large volumes of information, he said, and pulling together multitudinous data sources. For example, it can monitor who has signed up for various commander’s programs, and what level of training they have.

“Are they signed up for the right programs? The right activities? How do you automate the tracking of all those different things across disparate systems?” Picklesimer said.

He told Air & Space Forces Magazine after the panel that he had not personally noticed NIPRGPT hallucinating—making up untrue but convincing-sounding answers—which is something commercial generative AI chatbots are known to do.  

Nonetheless, he said he was more comfortable with use cases that involved summarizing or pulling together a defined data set, rather than asking more open-ended questions.   

Last week, Lt. Col. Jose Almanzar, commander of the Space Force’s 19th Space Defense Squadron, said NIPRGPT had “helped tremendously in mission planning and reducing administrative actions and helping to standardize a lot of the appraisal writing and award writing and whatnot.”  

Col. Heath Giesecke, director of the Army’s Enterprise Cloud Management Agency, also emphasized AI’s utility for back-office tasks.

“On the business side, the Army has adopted a large language model, [and] across the force we’re looking at specific use cases,” he said. 

The Army’s AI is called CamoGPT, although the service says it is not strictly a generative AI chatbot. ”CamoGPT is a machine learning platform that optimizes equipment maintenance, logistics, and supply chain management using data analytics and algorithms,” the service said in March. 

Giesecke gave one example of a successful use case: “In the HR domain, we took a bunch of [position descriptions] and enabled our contractor, the hiring agency, to use an LLM to reassess and reclassify hundreds or thousands … in a single day,” he said. 

He added that an Army priority right now is that “we’re really trying to centralize the use of generative AI and make sure things aren’t being done on personal devices or personal accounts.” 

Col. Dennis Katolin, the assistant chief of staff for operations for Marine Corps Forces Cyberspace Command, said he wants to use AI for three primary tasks:

  • First, as “something that’s able to discover new information.”
  • Second for the ability “infer from that data. What is going to happen, something that’s anticipatory.”
  • Third is “Synthesis: Generating a proposed solution to that problem set.”

Yet he also noted the danger of hallucinations.

“When it comes to AI, I have a bias that I think most of us up here do when it comes to artificial intelligence,” he said. “This group thinks it’s going to be great, that it’s going to accelerate everything. But I think it does introduce certain liabilities as well. There are times when ChatGPT has been incorrect. There’s times when AIs have been wrong.” 

He compared the process of getting to know the limitations of an AI to that of getting to know a colleague: “Do you trust that individual making a recommendation? ‘Sir, we’ve got to do this!’ Does Col. Katolin have a really good track record? Then you’d be like, ‘Hey, I didn’t check his homework. But he’s been on the money before.’”

It is a very different calculus if the colleague—or the AI—has been wrong 75 percent of the time, he said. 

“I think it does offer some risk, but I think that risk is mitigated by training with it, learning it … so we can build that trust and build that comfort level.” 

Katolin went on to say that the rise of cyber and information operations had had an impact on warfare unmatched since the introduction of military aviation. “From our perspective, there are five sort of truths [about information operations,] that information is inherently global, persistent, instantaneous. It compresses the levels of war and requires maneuver in all domains,” he said.

USAF Gets New Autonomous Gliders to Resupply Troops in High-Risk Environments

USAF Gets New Autonomous Gliders to Resupply Troops in High-Risk Environments

The Air Force has added new self-guided gliders to deliver cargo to “high-risk environments” without putting a manned aircraft in danger.

Contractor DZYNE and the Air Force Research Laboratory unveiled the new “Grasshopper” gliders May 2, and an AFRL spokesperson told Air & Space Forces Magazine that “several dozen” units have been delivered.

Grasshopper can carry up to 500 pounds of supplies and be launched from cargo aircraft like the C-17 and C-130 using rear ramp airdrops. It can reach speeds of 109 miles per hour and glide “tens of miles” based on drop altitude, the spokesperson said.

The glider is also autonomous and capable of navigating in GPS-denied environments, allowing it to pilot itself and land with a built-in parachute.

In a release, DZYNE said it has delivered “multiple” units to the Air Force and is “currently planning for future deliveries.”

Grasshopper by DZYNE initiates landing to target with opened parachute

Grasshopper’s unveiling coincided with the start of SOF Week, an annual conference for special operations forces; AFRL first sought to develop the capability based on real-time feedback and rapid flight testing from Air Force Special Operations Command.

The small payload and disposable nature of the glider make it ideal for AFSOC’s mission of rapidly deploying units for precision strikes, infiltration, rescuing personnel, and intelligence gathering, often in restrictive or contested environments where nonstealthy cargo aircraft would be at high risk of being shot down.

The glider could also prove useful for the Air Force’s concept of Agile Combat Employment, enabling quick resupply of forces spread across remote islands or austere airfields under attack, without needing to send a full cargo aircraft.

“Its ability to deliver critical payloads from standoff distances while keeping our aircraft and crews out of harm’s way is a major advantage in modern operational environments,” Dr. Thomas Howell, portfolio lead at AFRL, said in a release.

DZYNE said it uses “low-cost manufacturing techniques” for the Grasshopper, keeping production costs around $40,000 per vehicle.

The Air Force has been interested in smaller-scale gliders for years now—AFRL initially tasked Silent Arrow in 2021 with scaling down its one-ton cargo glider GD-2000. The following year, U.S. Indo-Pacific Command and U.S. Special Operations Command joined up with the Joint Staff to award the company a yearlong contract to conduct operational demonstrations and refine the concepts of operation for these autonomous gliders.

DZYNE, meanwhile, has worked with the Air Force Research Laboratory before on its Unmanned Long-endurance Tactical Reconnaissance Aircraft, or ULTRA. It first test flew the Grasshopper in October 2022.

“The delivery of Grasshopper is a testament to the success of our collaboration with the Air Force in developing an autonomous resupply solution that meets the demands of contested environments,” said Matthew McCue, CEO of DZYNE Technologies. “By working closely, we were able to design and refine the Grasshopper product line into a cost-effective, high-performance aerial logistics platform.

McCue added that these self-navigating vehicles could also play a role in humanitarian aid and disaster relief efforts.

The company is currently developing a longer-range variant of Grasshopper, capable of traveling “hundreds of miles,” with plans for its debut in early 2026.

The Air Force and the Pentagon have long had the ability to airdrop supplies. For heavy-lift items weighing more than a ton, DOD introduced the Joint Precision Airdrop System in 2006. Utilizing GPS navigation, it autonomously guides steerable parachutes to one or more landing zones with precision, delivering cargo, fuel, and other supplies from altitudes as high as 25,000 feet.

The Air Force also employs Low-Cost Low Altitude (LCLA) drops for humanitarian missions, where aircraft get as low as 300 feet above ground to safely release parachuted medical kits.

These options, however, are less suitable for low-profile operations that demand swift, high-accuracy drops in remote, denied areas.

Air Force Set to ‘Significantly’ Change Launch Facilities for Sentinel ICBM

Air Force Set to ‘Significantly’ Change Launch Facilities for Sentinel ICBM

The design of the launch facilities for the Air Force’s new Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile are likely to undergo major revision, posing yet another challenge for the much-delayed and over-budget program to modernize the land-based component of America’s nuclear triad, officials said May 6. 

“I imagine we’re significantly going to change it,” Acting Secretary of the Air Force Gary Ashworth told the House Appropriations Committee, referring to the strategy for the construction of the silos that will house the missile and the launch control facilities to operate it. 

Ashworth’s comments come on the heels of the Air Force’s determination that it will need to build new silos for Sentinel instead of relying on a previous plan to refurbish the roughly 450 existing Minuteman III silos.

The Sentinel program is being restructured—officials reviewed the effort after critical cost and schedule overruns triggered an inquiry under the Nunn-McCurdy Act. Then-Pentagon acquisition czar William LaPlante certified the program to continue, but rescinded its Milestone B approval and ordered a restructure.

Officials say Sentinel’s ballooning costs are not driven not by the missile itself, but by the massive work needed for the ground infrastructure. The latest revelations continue that trend.

“The missile itself will continue going through its design and development phase as we move forward,” Ashworth said. “The main contributors to the cost breach itself were the command and launch segment … it’s the construction costs associated with those elements that really drove up the cost.”

When Northrop Grumman won the Sentinel contract in 2020, the ground infrastructure was expected to be a significant civil engineering effort. But it is now proving more complex than anticipated, an Air Force spokesperson told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

“As the program continues to undergo restructuring activities, the Air Force analysis continues to confirm unacceptable risks to cost, schedule, and weapon system performance stemming from the original baseline strategy of converting Minuteman III (MMIII) silos,” the spokesperson said. “To mitigate this and other risks, the Air Force plans to build new missile silos on predominantly Air Force-owned real estate, which means reusing the existing missile sites but not the 55-year-old silos.”

An ICBM launch control facility at Malmstrom Air Force Base, Mont., June 22, 2023. U.S. Air Force photo by John Turner

Air Force officials are now looking at altering the acquisition strategy for the program. In February, the service suspended work Northrop’s work on the command and launch segment including the design of the launch facilities.

“The program right now is reaching out to industry to understand how we might better construct a program on how to get after that particular [command and launch] segment,” Ashworth said. “By the end of the summer, they should have collected enough information, analyzed it, and put it back together to see if we’re going to stay with the current acquisition strategy or significantly change it. I imagine we’re significantly going to change it based upon that strategy.”

The Air Force plans to field Sentinel as a one-for-one replacement for the 400 currently deployed Minuteman III missiles, which represent one of three legs of the U.S. nuclear triad.

The Air Force has ICBM wings at F.E. Warren Air Force Base, Wyo.; Malmstrom Air Force Base, Mont.; and Minot Air Force Base, N.D. Missile fields are spread out over five states—Colorado, Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and Wyoming.

“Part of the requirements, initially—10 years ago when this program was started—was to reuse the holes, the missile holes at the launch facilities. That was believed to be more efficient, more cost effective, and quicker,” Air Force Global Strike Command boss Gen. Thomas A. Bussiere said during remarks at ANWA Deterrence Center Forum on April 30. “Shockingly enough … that may not be the answer.”

An Air Force spokesperson confirmed reusing Minuteman III silos was no longer considered to be a viable option. 

“While no decision has been made, we expect Sentinel to use predominantly AF-owned real estate to build new missile silos instead of re-using MMIII silos,” the spokesperson said.

The Air Force has “data based on a test launch facility conversion project at Vandenberg Space Force Base that validated the implications of unknown site conditions with significant cost and schedule growth,” they added.

Breaking Defense first reported the Air Force’s change on building missile silos.

Air Force officials have recently said Minuteman III could be in service until 2050. The missile was originally expected to be decommissioned in the 2030s. 

Pentagon officials have argued the U.S. needs to embark on a costly but overdue modernization of all three legs of its nuclear triad, which also includes fielding the B-21 Raider bomber, upgrades to B-52 bomber, the Columbia-class submarine, and the Sentinel. The Air Force is also developing the Long Range Standoff Weapon (LRSO) and the E-4C Survivable Airborne Operations Center (SAOC) nuclear command and control aircraft.

Lawmakers are seeking to add $1.5 billion to Sentinel in a 2025 budget resolution and roughly half a billion dollars to keep Minuteman viable.

“These would be our priorities: this is going to be Sentinel, once it’s restructured, making sure that comes through,” Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David W. Allvin told lawmakers. “… B-21, B-52, LRSO—those keep the nuclear deterrence.”

New KC-46 Remote Vision System Slips Another 18 Months, to Summer 2027

New KC-46 Remote Vision System Slips Another 18 Months, to Summer 2027

The Air Force and Boeing are now projecting that they will field the Remote Vision System 2.0 on the KC-46 tanker by summer 2027. The new date is nearly two years longer than previously anticipated, and four years later than originally expected.

Chief of Staff Gen. David Allvin first reported the schedule slip during a House Appropriations Committee hearing, saying RVS 2.0 remains the “pacing item” among the KC-46’s half-dozen or so deficiencies, and “we’re probably looking at another 18 months” before it is corrected. He suggested that the other major problems with the aircraft—a “stiff” refueling boom, issues with the environmental control system, and others—will be fixed sooner.

“The current projection for fielding RVS 2.0 is summer 2027,” an Air Force spokesperson later told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “The Air Force and Boeing are exploring opportunities to prevent or mitigate the slip in schedule.”

A year ago, then-Air Force acquisition executive Andrew Hunter told lawmakers that RVS 2.0 would be ready in early 2026. The estimate before that, Hunter acknowledged at the time, was that RVS 2.0 would start fielding in October 2025, and the original timeline, under Hunter’s predecessor, Will Roper, was to field the system in 2023.

The original RVS, first developed in 2011, allows the KC-46 boom operator, who is seated behind the cockpit, to manipulate the refueling boom at the back end of the tanker using multiple screens instead of looking out the back of the aircraft like on the KC-135.

However, the advance of optical technology quickly outstripped it, and problems arouse—under certain lighting conditions, the boomer’s depth of field was compromised by glare and shadows, increasing the risk of the boom bumping or scraping receiving aircraft.

Airmen have developed workarounds and the Air Force has cleared the KC-46 for operations worldwide. But the issue persists and has become the poster child for the tanker’s many woes. Boeing has absorbed more than $7 billion in losses on the KC-46, which was developed and built under a fixed-price contract.

RVS 2.0 is supposed to fix that, with color screens, new camera tech, and advanced displays. But time and time again, the Air Force and Boeing has pushed back its schedule.

RVS 2.0
In this two-dimensional representations of a three-dimensional immersive vision system optimized for dynamic range in operational environmental conditions, a KC-46 refuels a C-17. Image courtesy of Boeing.

That’s on top of the other deficiencies and problems that have plagued the KC-46, sometimes even halting aircraft deliveries. Most recently, cracked control surface components caused the Air Force to halt KC-46 deliveries in February, but Boeing CEO Kelly Ortberg said in April that problems on the KC-46 and other troubled Boeing problems—such as the T-7 trainer and Navy’s MQ-25 drone refueler—are “well contained.”

Ortberg told reporters on an earning call that the cracks were found quickly and aren’t “a safety-of-flight issue.”

“The population that they had to [repair] was small. The rework, they could get to that very quickly. So it really wasn’t a big deal.”

Allvin assured the committee that the head of Air Mobility Command and the head of Boeing Defense are working together to resolve all remaining KC-46 issues.  

“It is producing. It can refuel all receivers” except the A-10 and the developmental E-7 Wedgetail, Allvin said. And while the RVS as now configured “is operating, it’s just not operating as we would expect it to.”

He also said the “Next-Generation Air refueling System study will tell us whether we need a new tanker altogether, or tankers that have better survivability.”

Previous civilian Air Force leadership had been pursuing a plan to develop new, stealthy tankers by the mid-2030s—necessary because of China’s ability to target key airborne assets from great range—while pursuing an interim “bridge tanker” buy of perhaps 75 airplanes to keep aerial refueling airplanes in production while NGAS takes shape. An upgraded version of the KC-46 is considered one of the contenders for such a bridge tanker.

Space Force Wants More Rapid, Flexible Launch

Space Force Wants More Rapid, Flexible Launch

The Space Force launch enterprise is slashing the time it takes to get a payload into space. Over the past year, USSF’s Assured Access to Space office integrated a GPS satellite with a new rocket and prepped it for launch in under five months, less than a quarter of the typical two-year timeline. 

What began as a series of proof-of-concept experiments, beginning with Victus Nox—Latin for “conquer the night”—and a follow-on coming soon called Victus Haze, is evolving into a new way of doing business.

“In the Space Force, we hear a lot about Tactically Responsive Space, and that’s done more on the small launch side, like the Victus series,” said AATS director Brig. Gen. Kristin L. Panzenhagen in a Schriever Spacepower Series event with AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies. “So we took a look in the Assured Access to Space portfolio, and said, ‘Well, you know, I think we can do this with the larger lift.'”  

Dubbed Rapid Response Trailblazer, it is the first rapid launch of that scale, with a follow-on GPS satellite launch planned for this month. Panzenhagen said the aim is to make this more routine.  

“That doesn’t work for every mission,” she said. The satellite program offices have to adjust too. But the question being asked now, she added, is “Can we build in that flexibility?”

In terms of launch, “We’ve built in on our side the ability to accelerate launches,” Panzenhagen said. “So there are already pre-priced options on our contract to accelerate launches.” 

More rapid launch would enable the Space Force to respond more quickly to changing situations, such as the need to counter an adversary’s actions or to replace a damaged satellite. But it can also help to deconflict an increasingly crowded and complex launch schedule. 

In the case of the most recent GPS launches, a delay certifying the originally intended launch platform demanded the switch. It was possible because the satellites could be easily integrated with the rocket, a delicate process called “encapsulation.”  

“Integration standards are a huge piece of this,” Panzenhagen said. “If a satellite has a lot of unique interface requirements, whether due to its geometry or due to power requirements, that increases the amount of time that you need to design the interface between the satellite and the booster. … But if you can integrate to standards, that makes it a lot easier.” 

Space Systems Command boss Lt. Gen. Philip A. Garrant said at last month’s Space Symposium that Rapid Response Trailblazer proves the Space Force “can be responsive in very traditional programs and prioritize legacy programs like GPS when we need to.” 

Now the AATS directorate is working on yet another responsive launch effort. Col. Richard Kniseley, then-head of the Commercial Space Office, said at the Space Symposium that the office wants to add launch to its Commercial Augmentation Space Reserve program, which aims to establish pre-negotiated pricing for commercial capabilities. Initially, the idea was to focus on commercial satellite products, but Kniseley said launch is also in the mix.  

Kniseley said the focus is on small launch vehicles, an application that Panzenhagen’s team is familiar with through its Orbital Services Program-4, as well as the Rocket Systems Launch Program. Both are smaller than National Security Space Launch, and both include more providers. 

“[In] the Rocket Systems Launch Program, our suborbital contract, we’ve got five providers, and then in our smaller orbital contract OSP-4, we’ve got 12,” Panzenhagen said. “So there’s a pretty wide range to give us assured access to space.” 

Garrant has said he sees “a lot of synergy” between the programs, and that the shared goal of assured access to space in as little time as possible is essential.

Panzenhagen agreed: “That’s the key,” she said. “Making sure, as our launch tempo and launch cadence is increasing, that we’re using our resources to mitigate the most important risks, and we’re using our resources smartly.”

Trump Says US Halting Military Campaign Against Houthis

Trump Says US Halting Military Campaign Against Houthis

The U.S. will halt its stepped-up campaign of airstrikes against the Houthis in Yemen, President Donald Trump announced May 6, citing promises from the rebel group that it will stop attacking commercial shipping lanes.

Dubbed Operation Rough Rider, the campaign against the Houthis has drawn on U.S. Navy and Air Force warplanes and drones in the region, which have hit 1,000 targets and killed hundreds of Houthi fighters since it began March 15, according to the U.S. military. The strikes were ongoing as of May 5, defense officials said, and the Israeli military bombed the Houthis on May 6 for the second day in a row in retaliation for a Houthi ballistic missile strike on Tel Aviv’s airport, the Israel Defense Forces said.

“We will stop the bombing of the Houthis effective immediately,” Trump told reporters.

Following Trump’s comments, Oman’s foreign minister Sayyid Badr Albusaidi said his country had brokered a “ceasefire agreement” which “resulted in an end to the conflict between the two sides.”

“In the future, neither side will target the other, including American vessels, in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab Strait, ensuring freedom of navigation and the smooth flow of international commercial shipping,” he wrote on X..

The Houthis issued a statement saying they would continue their pressure campaign against Israel. U.S. officials suggested the agreement did not apply to Houthi attacks on Israel.

“This is about the Red Sea, the attacking of ships,” State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce told reporters.

A U.S. Navy F/A-18 Super Hornet flies in formation with a U.S. Air Force KC-135 Stratotanker over the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility, April 5, 2025. U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Gerald R. Willis

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, who was traveling to CENTCOM’s headquarters in Tampa, Fla., on May 6, reposted Trump’s remarks on X. “PEACE THRU STRENGTH in action,” he added in a later social media post referring to the agreement.

The Pentagon referred questions about the agreement to the White House. The National Security Council did not respond to a request for comment.

Trump’s surprise announcement, made from the Oval Office during a bilateral with Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney, came just a few hours after open-source intelligence analysts noted flight tracking data and radio communications showing U.S. Air Force B-52 bombers heading to over the Pacific Ocean in the direction of Diego Garica, a small island in the Indian Ocean. Six B-2 bombers deployed to Diego Garcia in late March and have been launching strikes on Yemen. It is unclear if the B-52s were deploying to join the campaign against the Houthis or if the move was part of a preplanned Bomber Task Force rotation.

The aircraft carriers USS Harry S. Truman and USS Carl Vinson are both operating in the waters near Yemen in a rare show of force. F-16s from the 55th Expeditionary Fighter Squadron, based at Shaw Air Force Base, S.C., deployed to the region last month, joining other Air Force fighters, attack planes, and bombers in the region.

At least six MQ-9 Reapers have been lost during the current campaign against the Houthis that started March 15. On May 6, after the ceasefire had been announced, a Navy F/A-18 crashed off the deck of the Truman while attempting to land—the third Super Hornet lost from the carrier during its deployment. Both aviators in the aircraft suffered minor injuries after ejecting, the Navy said. The Pentagon said the aircraft was not shot down by the Houthis.

During the U.S. strike campaign there have been allegations of scores of civilian casualties by the Houthis and nongovernmental groups, which CENTCOM has said it is investigating.

The Houthis have been attacking international shipping in the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait since late 2023 in response to Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza. The Houthi attacks have hit commercial ships, leading to a large drop-off in shipping in the Red Sea, which connects to the Mediterranean Sea via the Suez Canal, forcing commercial traffic to reroute around Africa.

“This was always a freedom of navigation mission,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in the Oval Office. “These are a band of individuals with advanced weaponry that were threatening global shipping, and the job was to get that to stop, and if it’s going to stop, then we can stop.”

The U.S. military engaged in a long military campaign against the Houthis under the Biden administration, and Trump stepped it up even more, including attacks against Houthi leaders. 

Trump said the Houthis have communicated to the U.S. that they “don’t want to fight anymore … we will honor that and we will stop the bombings.”

“They have capitulated … they say they will not be blowing up ships anymore,” Trump said.

Inside Orbital Watch: USSF’s Neighborhood Watch For Space

Inside Orbital Watch: USSF’s Neighborhood Watch For Space

The launch last month of Orbital Watch, the new Space Force program to share declassified U.S. government threat intelligence with private sector satellite operators and other commercial space companies, comes amid increasing concern about Chinese and Russian development of anti-satellite weapons. 

Officials said the program will eventually become a sort of Neighborhood Watch for space—a clearing and distribution house for orbital threat data from both the government and private sector.    

Experts welcome the idea of Orbital Watch. But they also told Air & Space Forces Magazine that it will likely highlight a dearth of information about objects in space and how they are maneuvering—known as space domain awareness data—available to commercial space operators, and foreground the highly siloed nature of current U.S. government efforts to collect SDA data and other threat information. 

“There is a highly distributed ecosystem of people looking at space threat issues right now” in the U.S. government, said Gregory Falco, an assistant professor at Cornell who has worked with DARPA on the topic. He said different agencies or offices in different parts of the government are looking at different threats like:

  • orbital collisions—called “conjunctions”—both accidental and otherwise
  • cyber attacks on satellites and ground stations
  • jamming or electronic warfare

Those efforts are not always connected, complicating efforts to share threat data even within the government, let alone outside it, he told Air & Space Forces Magazine.   

He added there was a need to “integrate these data streams and figure out how to begin to engage with other partners more holistically.” Right now, he said, “the relationships between the different parties who are looking at these problems are very one-to-one, and it doesn’t really help. There’s very poor visibility across the full ecosystem.” 

Eventually, Falco said, Orbital Watch could become a very powerful tool, but he described the “initial operating capacity” Space Force announced of a quarterly threat briefing as more of a goodwill gesture to show the government’s commitment to the principle of threat information sharing, rather than a practical exercise, since the information in a briefing every three months is likely to be too outdated to be useful. 

“The quarterly briefing is definitely more of a public relations slash goodwill exercise for [foreign and private sector partners], I believe, rather than for intelligence or real-time analysis,” he said. 

Orbital Watch is run by Space Systems Command, the element of Space Force that buys and builds the service’s satellites, through its Front Door office, which aims to simplify and streamline the relationship with the private sector.  

Within weeks of its launch, news broke that a classified Russian satellite, thought to be part of Moscow’s efforts to develop a counter-satellite nuclear weapon, was tumbling in its orbit, apparently out of control, illustrating the growing need for such a warning service.  

The aim for Orbital Watch is to build a system to disseminate declassified or unclassified all-hazards threat information as broadly as possible, Front Door Director Victor Vigliotti told Air & Space Forces Magazine. 

“If it’s a threat to a commercial vendor operating in the space domain, we want to be able to communicate the unclassified information where and when available,” he said. 

“I’d imagine that future notifications might include things like potential conjunctions, kinetic threats, cyber security threats, business intelligence and supply chain threats, as well as new and emerging adversarial development,” he added. 

But he acknowledged that Front Door was still working with other agencies to figure out exactly what kind of data Orbital Watch would be able to share and with whom.  

“We’re not in the process of developing and creating intelligence reports. We’re in the process of rapid communication from the original information owner and sending that out to who they determine necessary,” he said.  

And he said those partner organizations fully control what information is released. They will have to decide what needs to be shared with the private sector and do the declassification work. 

“Any organization that has information that’s releasable [about something that] could be a threat to a non-government system out there, we’re hoping to gather that, consolidate it, and disseminate it,” he said. 

He said as the Orbital Watch program develops capability, the cadence of threat briefings will increase, although there is no specific target: “It is unknown as of now whether it’s going to be hourly, daily, weekly, or monthly. But we can be sure it’s going to increase well beyond that current quarterly tempo, especially in times of crisis and contingency.” 

By the end of the year, Vigliotti said, Orbital Watch should reach “full operational capacity,” which would include a portal where “commercial vendors deemed critical to space warfighting, especially those participating in the Commercial Augmentation Space Reserve,” could share their own threat information to the U.S. government for anonymous dissemination across the sector. 

This model, pioneered by the cybersecurity industry, could help Orbital Watch get over the barriers to sharing government threat information presented by classification issues, he said. “We could potentially leverage commercial [threat] data to share with other vendors and international partners, when we’re unable to sanitize U.S. government information in a timely manner.” 

Although access to the portal to submit threat information would be limited, Vigliotti said, any space sector company, including foreign ones, would be able to sign up to receive Orbital Watch threat warnings.  

“If you’re a space vendor, we want you in the Front Door,” he said. 

Dissemination protocols are up to the agency that supplied the information, he said, but he noted that anything cleared for public release—as he envisaged most Orbital Watch threat data—is by definition shareable even with companies based in adversary nations. 

“I would say, if there’s a Russian or Chinese company that wants to submit to the Front Door, please share your data with us,” he said. 

A similar effort, called the Space Information Sharing and Analysis Center, or Space ISAC, shares cyber and other threat information with the commercial space sector, and leaders of the public-private partnership organization say Orbital Watch will help build on their efforts.

Space ISAC is developing a 24-hour, real-time, all-hazards threat warning center for commercial space companies, using a paid membership model. But they don’t see Orbital Watch as a competitor, because their own capabilities are much more mature and growing quickly, said Executive Director Erin Miller. 

“My view of any government-led information sharing program is that it’s going to be a collaborative opportunity with the Space ISAC, because Space ISAC is a multidecade approach from industry, and industry has already invested millions of dollars into the Space ISAC, and we’ve created a incredibly unique source of information for the global space community that really can’t be replicated.” 

For now, Space ISAC is working closely with Orbital Watch and has Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs) in place with the Space Force and several other government agencies, she said.   

The organization was already sharing cyber threat intelligence on a real-time, machine-to-machine basis, she said, employing the STIX (Structured Threat Information eXpression) standard—a template which ISACs and other cybersecurity information sharing organizations can use to provide cyber threat reporting in a form that can be automatically ingested by cyber defense software like firewalls and endpoint protection programs.  

STIX eliminates the need for human operators to cut and paste or retype technical indicators of attack from cyber threat warnings into firewall rules or other automated defensive measures. 

Space ISAC is working on a special extension for STIX specifically designed for all-hazards reporting in the space sector, Miller said. 

“We’ve been doing this work for about six years now, and I’m still of the strong opinion that the commercial sector resources to identify, detect, and monitor these threats and attacks significantly outnumber any government resources to do that. So we have to do it together,” she said. 

Growing Space Force Needs More Enlisted, CMSSF Says

Growing Space Force Needs More Enlisted, CMSSF Says

The Space Force wants to grow its enlisted force faster than its officer corps, the top enlisted Guardian said May 5, part of a push to make enlisted personnel the service’s primary operators. 

“Looking at the composition of the combat squadron, the combat detachment, the mission planning cells, the mission support elements, all of the functions of how we fight—and we look at the officer and enlisted roles and responsibilities—our enlisted Corps are the warfighters of the service,” said Chief Master Sergeant of the Space Force John F. Bentivegna during an AFA Warfighters in Action event. 

The Space Force has a higher ratio of officers to enlisted members than other military branches, which is notsurprising given its high level of automation and tech-heavy focus. Indeed, in its first few years, the service actually had more officers than enlisted personnel. By 2024, the ratio was 48-52 officers to enlisted, more than double the 20:80 ratio typical of Army and Naval forces. 

USSF will evolve, Bentivegna said, to where its officers are “planners and integrators,” while enlisted Guardians handle day-to-day operations and become technical experts.  

“It’s going to take us a little bit to kind of shift,” Bentivegna said. “We’re still trying to round out what the service is going to look like, and get the right individuals in the right positions at the right jobs as we continue to grow.”  

Space Force leaders have been increasingly vocal about the need to grow, driven by growing mission demands, including Chief of Space Operations Gen. B. Chance Saltzman’s directive that “space control” be a core function of the service, intended to ensure space superiority. That mission includes counter-space operations. 

“I think most projected growth in the out years is primarily enlisted positions that we’re trying to grow, as we do this shift,” Bentivegna said. 

“We talk about the growth in the space control mission set. Once we do that, it’s not like we can stop doing assured space access and global space operations,” Bentivegna said. “Those underpin the lethality of the joint force, so we have to continue doing those. It’s really growth in the space control realm to provide space superiority. And I think that’ll be a lot of enlisted Guardians who are subject matter experts on the weapons system.” 

The need for enlisted technical experts means that even senior noncommissioned officers have to stay “operationally relevant,” Bentivegna added. 

That’s a slight shift from the larger military’s typical approach, where senior NCOs are often trained to take on more management or leadership roles while warrant officers fill the roles of technical experts. But the Space Force has always been a more technical branch and is now the only service without warrant officers. Officials say they have no plans to introduce them. 

Chief Master Sgt. of the Space Force John F. Bentivegna speaks to Guardians and Airmen during his all-call on Peterson Space Force Base, Colorado, Feb. 28, 2024. Bentivegna discussed how important the cyber landscape is to the warfighting domain. U.S. Space Force photo by Airman 1st Class Justin Todd

Right now, plenty of crews operating Space Force satellites have officers “on console” alongside enlisted Guardians. But the Space Force could logically use more of those officers elsewhere. 

“A week doesn’t go by where in the [Pentagon] we get a phone call from a joint organization or combatant command, an ally or partner, a three-letter agency that says, ‘I am looking for a Guardian to be on my staff to help me do integration and planning and talk to me about Space Force capabilities and how do we become a more lethal force, leveraging the Space Force,’” Bentivegna said. USSF is looking to develop officers to fill those roles through its new Officer Training Course. 

“As we’re pushing those captains out, I want to replace them with a master sergeant or a tech sergeant at the operational level, at the tactical level, to kind of fill those roles and responsibilities,” Bentivegna added. “We’re not there yet. It’s going to take a little bit to kind of shift and get the forces where we need them, but … I’m really excited with what the future holds.”

The Space Force’s civilian cadre likewise makes up a larger share—about one-third—of its total force personnel than the other services. So as the entire Department of Defense pursues job cuts to meet Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s directive to cut back on civilian personnel, the Space Force could face particular challenges. Still, Bentivegna said he had not been party to any discussion that would change the overall makeup of the Space Force toward or away from its current civilian/military ratio.

Hegseth Orders 20% Cut in 4-Star Generals and Admirals, Seeks Overhaul of Commands

Hegseth Orders 20% Cut in 4-Star Generals and Admirals, Seeks Overhaul of Commands

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth is directing the Pentagon to slash the number of senior generals and admirals, he announced May 5—at least 20 percent of four-star positions would be eliminated under the move. Hegseth also said he is directing a sweeping review of U.S. military commands and staffs, signaling a likely consolidation.

“[W]e must cultivate exceptional senior leaders who drive innovation and operational excellence, unencumbered by unnecessary bureaucratic layers that hinder their growth and effectiveness,” Hegseth wrote in a memo. “A critical step in this process is removing redundant force structure to optimize and streamline leadership by reducing excess general and flag officer positions.”

Across the services, there are 27 four-star positions authorized by law, on top of joint positions like Chairman and Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Chief and Vice Chief of the National Guard Bureau, and the heads of the military’s 11 combatant commands, for a total of more than 40 four-stars.

Hegseth did not say how the reductions would be apportioned among the services or how long it would take to carry out the cuts. He officially announced the move in a video posted to social media.

Some positions with Air Force generals are sure to remain untouched—the current Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Dan Caine, is an Airman, as is the current Chief of the National Guard Bureau, Gen. Steven S. Nordhaus.

Outside of joint jobs, the Air Force can have nine four-star officers, but currently has just seven. The Space Force has just two such officers.

The Space Force looks likely to escape cuts at the four-star level—by law, the Chief of Space Operations and Vice Chief of Space Operations must be four-star officers. The service also has a third four-star in Gen. Stephen N. Whiting, head of the joint U.S. Space Command.

Hegseth said in a video released by the Department of Defense that he was dubbing the policy “less generals, more GIs.” He suggested in his video announcement that many of the reductions would come from a consolidation of combatant commands, and the memo says there will be a “realignment of the Unified Command Plan,” which outlines the organization of those commands. Ultimately, he wants to decrease the number of generals and admirals at all levels—one star and above—by 10 percent.

Hegseth’s memo also directs the Pentagon to cut the number of general officers in the National Guard by a minimum of 20 percent.

“Now this is not a slash-and-burn exercise meant to punish high-ranking officers,” Hegseth said. “ … This has been a deliberative process, working with the Joint Chiefs of Staff with one goal: maximizing strategic readiness and operational effectiveness by making prudent reductions in the general and flag officer ranks.”

Hegseth said the cuts would take place in two stages. “Phase one, we’re looking at our current service structure, and in phase two, it’s a strategic review of the Unified Command Plan,” he said.

Under that plan, the services would need to trim positions in their own organizations first, before DOD reevaluates combat command positions. The Army has already suggested merging the heads of the Army Futures Command and the Army Training and Doctrine Command, and changes to other services could follow a similar path.

“We’re going to shift resources from bloated headquarters elements to our warfighters,” Hegseth said.

At the Pentagon, Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David W. Allvin and a Vice Chief lead the service, though that position is currently vacant following the firing of Gen. James C. Slife.

The Air Force has multiple four-star officers outside the Pentagon, including the commanders of:

  • Pacific Air Forces
  • U.S. Air Forces in Europe-Air Forces Africa
  • Air Combat Command
  • Air Mobility Command
  • Air Force Materiel Command
  • Air Force Global Strike Command

The Space Force offers fewer places to cut. Service leaders have been clear that they view themselves as having an under-ranked service compared to other branches. Most Space Force geographic component commanders are colonels—in the Air Force, those positions are held by three- or four-star generals.

Hegseth has reportedly considered combining or removing some combatant commands, such as possibly eliminating an independent U.S. Africa Command and combining U.S. Northern Command and U.S. Southern Command, though the Pentagon has not confirmed which commands could be on the chopping block. Associated jobs on the Joint Staff could get cut with a consolidation of combatant commands. Some combatant commanders are due to retire soon, including the leaders of U.S. Central Command and U.S. European Command, and it is possible positions could be unfilled for a period.

Some positions typically only go to one service. For example, Air Force generals typically lead U.S. Northern Command and U.S. Transportation Command.

“This is going to be, we think, the most comprehensive review since the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Reorganization Act of 1983,” Hegseth said. “That was a generational change in combatant command structures, planning, training, geographic areas of responsibility, mission, and operational responsibilities.”

That move, however, was an act of Congress, not an edict from a Defense Secretary. It remains unclear how Congress will respond to Hegseth’s announcement, but some were quick to question the order.

“I have always advocated for efficiency at the Department of Defense, but tough personnel decisions should be based on facts and analysis, not arbitrary percentages,” said Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.), the ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, in a statement. “Eliminating the positions of many of our most skilled and experienced officers without sound justification would not create ‘efficiency’ in the military—it could cripple it.”

Reed said he was “skeptical of the rationale” and wants Hegseth to explain his thinking to lawmakers.