Biden Gives Ukraine Patriot System, JDAMs, as Zelenskyy Visits U.S.

Dec. 21, 2022 | By Chris Gordon

The United States will send a Patriot air and missile defense system to Ukraine and provide precision-guided munitions in one of the most significant grants of American military aid to Kyiv since Russia invaded Ukraine in February.

Amid a Russian barrage of drone, ballistic missile, and cruise missile attacks on Ukrainian infrastructure targets, President Biden President Joe Biden welcomed Ukrainian President Volodimir Zelenskyy to the White House, the Ukrainian leader’s first trip abroad in 10 months.

The State Department said the precision munitions it will provide would be the “first transfer of Joint Direct Attack Munitions, which will provide the Ukrainian Air Force with enhanced precision strike capabilities against Russia’s invading forces.” It is not clear precisely how Ukraine would deploy such weapons.

The Patriot system is a $1 billion integrated air defense system, consisting of interceptors, radar, command and control, and other support elements. It takes about 90 people to man such a battery. However, it will be several months before Ukraine can field the system.

“Patriot is one of the world’s most advanced air defense systems, and it will give Ukraine a critical long-range capability to defend its airspace,” a senior U.S. defense official told reporters. “It is capable of intercepting cruise missiles, ballistic missiles, and aircraft. It’s important to put the Patriot battery in context for aired defense. There is no silver bullet. Our goal is to help Ukraine strengthen a layered, integrated approach to air defense that will include Ukraine’s own legacy capabilities, as well as NATO standard systems.”

This latest $1.85 billion security aid package brings marks approximately $21.3 billion in total weapons and other security aid provided by the U.S. since the start of the war in February.

Providing JDAMs signals a significant move to strengthening Ukraine’s Air Force. The U.S. did not disclose the exact munitions it would provide, how many aerial munitions, or the monetary value of those weapons. JDAM kits are fitted to unguided bombs.

One billion dollars of the support, including the Patriots and aerial munitions, comes from Presidential Drawdown Authority (PDA) authorized by President Joe Biden. The other $850 million in aid comes from the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative (USAI).

Zelenskyy and the White House are looking to shore up Congressional support for Ukraine as Republicans take over the House of Representatives and take over control of the chamber in the new year. In one of her final acts as Speaker of the House, Nanci Pelosi (D-Calif.) invited Zelenskyy to speak to members.

Zelenskyy arrived at Joint Base Andrews outside of Washington shortly before noon on Dec. 21 aboard a U.S. Air Force C-40, bearing the Air Force executive aircraft white and light blue livery with “United States of America” emblazed in large letters on the fuselage. The Ukrainian leader stepped off the plane wearing his trademark tactical green crewneck shirt and combat boots.

The U.S. aid marks a significant step in its plan to improve Ukraine’s air and missile defense, fulfilling a long-standing request from Kyiv. Patriot is America’s most advanced tactical air and missile defense system, and each interceptor missile costs more than $4 million. Ukraine has been pummeled by Russian missiles, many of them launched from Russian aircraft. The Patriot provides a long-range defense capability Ukraine has not previously had.

The Biden administration has refrained from providing long-range systems to Ukraine in an effort to prevent escalation. While it has provided the High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS), it did so on the condition Ukraine would not use the weapons to strike Russian territory. The U.S. has so far declined to provide the longer-range Army Tactical Missile System (ATACMS) for HIMARS. But the latest aid package does include additional shorter-range HIMARS rounds.

According to the State Department, the latest aid package includes:

One Patriot air defense battery and munitions;
Additional ammunition for High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS);
500 precision-guided 155mm artillery rounds;
10 120mm mortar systems and 10,000 120mm mortar rounds;
10 82mm mortar systems;
10 60mm mortar systems;
37 Cougar Mine Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) Vehicles;
120 High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicles (HMMWVs);
Six armored utility trucks;
High-speed Anti-radiation missiles (HARMs);
Precision aerial munitions;
Over 2,700 grenade launchers and small arms;
Claymore anti-personnel munitions;
Demolition munitions and equipment;
Night vision devices and optics;
Tactical secure communications systems;
Body armor and other field equipment.
45,000 152mm artillery rounds;
20,000 122mm artillery rounds;
50,000 122mm GRAD rockets;
100,000 rounds of 125mm tank ammunition;
SATCOM terminals and services;
Funding for training, maintenance, and sustainment.

Ukraine has carried out bold attacks with its own weapons. It blew up a bridge connecting Russia to Crimea, which Russia occupied and annexed in 2014. An airbase deep inside Russia was targeted and several of Russia’s strategic bombers were damaged in an attack Ukraine has not denied. American officials maintain Ukraine is free to make its own military decisions with non-U.S. origin weapons.

The U.S. said it was not concerned about any escalatory effect of providing the Patriot battery. “This will be an air defense capability among others that they’re being provided as part of an integrated air defense system,” a senior military official said. “It is by default, by nature, a defensive system.”

According to the Pentagon, the U.S. will train Ukrainian forces on a Patriot system in an unnamed European country. Training will take months.

“The United States is sending Patriot to Ukraine for three reasons: to help defend against Russian missile attacks, which are pounding Ukrainian cities and disrupting utilities; to strongly convey political support; and because the United States has few other air defenses to send,” the Center for Strategic and International Studies wrote in an analysis of the decision.

Russia has attacked Ukraine with missiles and drones since the beginning of the conflict in February. In October, it began a campaign to target Ukrainian infrastructure with missiles and Iranian-made drones.

At $4 million per shot, Patriot will not be useful in combatting low-cost Iranian drones. Ukraine has been moderately successful defended against the fiberglass Shahed-136 kamikaze systems. The Patriot system is better suited for stopping ballistic and cruise missile attacks. In addition, the U.S. has previously provided 1,600 Stinger man-portable air defenses (MANPADS), four Avengers, vehicle-mounted Stingers, and two National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile System (NASAMS) short-to-medium range systems. Western nations have also provided defenses, such as Germany’s IRIS-T medium-range system, which offers a similar capability to the NASAMS. Western countries have also provided older HAWK systems, and the U.S. has pledged to refurnish more HAWKs to provide to Ukraine. The Patriot replaced the HAWK system in U.S. use.

The Patriot system that will be given to Ukraine is one of only 15 U.S. systems in existence.

“Patriot is a low-density, high-demand asset to the U.S. air defense efforts and has one of the highest operational tempos of the joint force,” CSIS experts Tom Karako and Mark F. Cancian wrote in their analysis. “Every battalion, battery, and firing unit is therefore a valuable commodity.”

American Patriot operators take months to train on the systems.

“The training will begin very soon,” the senior defense official said. “It’ll take several months, and the training is the limiting timeframe here.”

During Zelenskyy’s visit to the White House, the Ukrainian president underscored his country’s need for more U.S. weapons to fight Russia. Addressing a reporter’s question, he said in Ukrainian: “What’s going to happen after Patriots are installed? After that, we will send another signal to President Biden that we would like to get more Patriots.”

Zelenskyy then switched to English. “We are in war,” he said. “I’m sorry.”

New Report Details Hurdles and Opportunities for Future of US-Japan-South Korea Partnership

Dec. 21, 2022 | By Christopher Prawdzik

Policy experts emphasized the importance of cooperation, especially in smaller-scale and newer defense areas, as key to the future of the U.S.-Japan-South Korea trilateral relationship at the release of an Atlantic Council issue brief Dec. 20.

“The historically fraught relationship between South Korea and Japan has presented obstacles to consistent and productive cooperation,” said Markus Garlauskas, nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council and moderator of a discussion among the report’s authors and contributors. “In light of the new era of strategic competition that we’re seeing, and in an increasingly turbulent geopolitical landscape, along with recent turnovers in leadership, the three countries have demonstrated renewed interest in trilateral cooperation.”

Lauren Gilbert, associate director of the Indo-Pacific Security Initiative at the Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security at the Atlantic Council and lead author of the brief’s “security and defense” chapter, said the authors wanted to go beyond common discussion areas and focus on three challenges, starting with how leadership transitions impact trilateral cooperation among the United States, Japan, and South Korea.

“We see progress under one leader, and then another leader comes in, and we lose that progress because of a lack of institutionalization,” Gilbert said.

The three countries also perceive threats differently. “Those diverging perceptions among who is the largest threat, who is the not-as-immediate threat … causes issues when you’re trying to create a unified policy,” she added.

The issue brief highlighted specific examples of this, noting that the U.S. and Japan are usually concerned by both North Korea and China, “whereas [South Korea] has traditionally been more concerned about North Korea and has attempted to maintain a more balanced relationship with China.”

In addition, Gilbert said, China’s threats of economic retaliation can promote hesitation as the trilateral partners approach future security and defense strategies.

But despite such challenges, she said the countries have shown “signs of willingness to cooperate through high-level summits between the countries’ leaders.” As such, the authors offered several recommendations for better defense cooperation.

“We have these concerns about either China or about domestic political concerns, so instead of focusing on highly sensitive areas of cooperation, such as large-scale military exercises, the country should opt for security cooperation in newer areas or less-sensitive areas,” Gilbert said. “So we’re talking crisis contingency planning, combating illegal fishing, and … maritime incursions.”

She said they also want to focus on “new frontiers” to enhance cooperation on cyber threats, as well as technology transfers.

“Rather than developing solely a framework for collective defense against coercive economic measures, such as supply chain attacks, [countries should] employ a proactive economic stance, such as forming novel trade agreements with regional partners in collaborating to enforce sanctions, when necessary,” Gilbert said.

Sanghyun Han, author of the brief’s science and technology chapter and a Ph.D. student at Georgia Tech, also noted several recommendations on how the three countries could cooperate.

Among his recommendations are creating private-public partnerships and encouraging participation in working-level meetings to promote action.

“I would argue there has been sufficient discussion by higher or senior-level officials, such as the launching of ministerial-level supply chain and commercial dialog and economic security dialogue,” Han said. “This is time for implementation rather than just … echoing the voices.”

He also wanted to raise public awareness on the importance of trilateral cooperation.

“Given the kind of embryonic stage of norms that [exist in] international institutions, or especially emerging technologies, trilateral cooperation needs to be pursued by establishing norms based on shared values and principles, such as democratic values,” Han said.

Kyoko Imai, who spearheaded the report’s global public goods section, said that area may be most promising for cooperation.

Looking at public health issues, the COVID-19 pandemic was particularly instructive. While one of the United States’ strengths was rapid vaccine deployment, Japan had among the fewest COVID-19 fatalities, and South Korea excelled in contact tracing technology—all ripe areas for cooperation, she said.

In issues of foreign aid, Imai emphasized how authors wanted to stress “dividing and conquering” in finding the best ways for the three countries to collaborate.

“Given that Japan and South Korea regularly faced natural disasters, which puts them in a strategic position to share lessons learned with other countries in the region, we thought that they can play a leading role in this area,” she said, noting that the United States could focus on foreign aid assistance. “For instance, USAID can help utilize its experience providing global development assistance to help guide Japan and South Korea [and] further their impact in the Indo Pacific.”

Rosa Park-Tokola, the senior project lead, warned that among these trilateral efforts, North Korea is a serious threat, but she sees this as a good time to increase cooperation.

“Kim Jong-un has been at this for a lot longer than our leaders in the U.S., and South Korea, and in Japan, and he’s set himself up since 2011,” she said, noting that this is a long-term problem. “We in the trilateral realm with the U.S., Japan, and South Korea, we’ve swung back and forth politically, and we haven’t necessarily had such a solid strategic plan in place.”

Therefore, she added that this is an opportune time to pursue work together, particularly in security cooperation, including sanction enforcement.

The issue brief is a product of the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security in conjunction with the Korea Foundation.

The Notable Airmen and National Security Figures Who Died in 2022

Dec. 21, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

A number of notable Airmen and national security figures passed away in 2022, figures who made lasting contributions to air and space power through leadership or technical expertise.

Charles McGee – A veteran of 409 combat missions in WWII, Korea and Vietnam, and one of the last surviving Tuskegee Airmen, Brig. Gen. Charles McGee died Jan. 16 at age 102. As a member of the 332nd fighter group in Italy during WWII, he flew bomber escort missions in the P-39, P-47 and finally the P-51. He returned stateside to teach other pilots to fly the B-25 bomber at Tuskegee Army Air Field, Ala., through the end of the war. McGee remained a pilot as the Army Air Forces became the U.S. Air Force, and during the Korean War, he flew 100 combat missions in F-51s. In Vietnam, he flew 172 combat missions in the RF-4C reconnaissance jet. He retired as a Colonel with more than 6,300 flight hours. In retirement, McGee was vice president of a real estate company and manager of the Kansas City airport. He also helped grow the Tuskegee Airmen Association. He received the Congressional Gold Medal, was named an Elder Statesman of Aviation by the National Aeronautics Association, and earned an AFA Lifetime Achievement Award. McGee was ceremonially promoted to Brigadier General in February 2020 and honored that week at the State of the Union address.

Gail Halvorsen – Known as the “Candy Bomber” of the Berlin Airlift, Air Force Col. Gail S. Halvorsen died Feb. 16 at the age of 101. Halvorsen organized fellow flyers to drop candy and other treats to the children of Berlin, cut off by the Soviets from overland shipments of food and goods. The Air Force endorsed the initiative and soon there were drives across the U.S. to collect treats for Airmen to drop to the Berlin children. He was lauded as a hero by the people of Berlin for offering hope in a time of deep crisis. After the Berlin Airlift, Halvorsen’s career with the Air Force focused on development of airlifters and rockets such as the Titan III and the abortive X-20 Dyna-Soar reusable space vehicle. He also developed plans for the Air Force’s never-built Manned Orbital Laboratory. In retirement, he was a Mormon missionary in England and Russia. He also organized candy drops in five other war zones, and was a goodwill ambassador for the U.S. Air Force. He wrote two books about his exploits. Air Mobility Command’s Halvorsen cargo loader is named after him, as is the C-17 aircrew training center in Charleston, S.C.

Eugene Habiger – Gen. Eugene E. Habiger died March 18 at age 82. After a two-year enlistment in the Army, Habiger graduated from college and Air Force Officer Training School, becoming a pilot. Over his 35-year Air Force career, Habiger amassed more than 5,000 flying hours in the B-52, KC-135, KC-10, C-7A and T-39. During the Vietnam War, he flew 150 combat missions in the B-52, participating in the Arc Light bombing campaign. He also instructed U.S. and Vietnamese pilots in the C-7 Caribou special operations aircraft. Advancing rapidly through various strategic deterrence assignments, including bomber commands, Habiger was named head of United States Strategic Command in 1996. He built military-to-military relationships between U.S. and Russian strategic forces to reduce tensions. In retirement, Habiger was the Director of Security and Emergency Operations for the Department of Energy, charged with reinvigorating the security culture of its nuclear operations. Later, he was CEO of the San Antonio Water System. He served on the board of the Nuclear Threat Initiative, a non-profit seeking to restrain nuclear proliferation and reduce the threat of weapons of mass destruction.

Chuck Boyd – The only former POW to become a four-star general, Gen. Charles G. Boyd died March 23 at age 83. Boyd was a fighter pilot in F-100s and F-105s. On his 105^th mission over North Vietnam, Boyd was shot down while attacking surface-to-air missile sites outside of Hanoi, demonstrating bravery for which he received the Air Force Cross. He was seven years a POW, enduring torture, interrogation, malnutrition and solitary confinement. Repatriated in 1973, Boyd resumed his Air Force career, holding staff and command assignments, mainly in Europe. He commanded Air University and was deputy commander of U.S. European Command, and retired in 1985 as a full general. Boyd was later an advisor to the Speaker of the House and served on or chaired a number of defense commissions. He was a senior vice president of the Council on Foreign Relations, and served as a director with a number of defense and intelligence-oriented companies. He was CEO of the Business Executives for National Security and chaired the Center for the National Interest.

Jim McCoy – The sixth Chief Master Sergeant of the Air Force, James M. McCoy was the first enlisted person to serve as president and chairman of the Air Force Association (now the Air & Space Forces Association). McCoy died July 13 at the age of 91. He joined the Air Force in 1951, and started out as a radar operator but switched to training, and over his career created or helped found many of the noncommissioned officer programs and schools still educating the enlisted force today. In 1974, he was named one of the 12 Outstanding Airmen of the Year. In 1979, as as CMSAF, he advised Chief of Staff Gen. Lew Allen, Jr. and Air Force Secretary Hans M. Mark on enlisted issues and recommended ways to preserve professionalism and morale during the so-called “hollow force” years. Retiring after 30 years of service, he was active with many civic associations and became the top leader of AFA, serving two terms as National President and two as Chairman of the Board.

Jim McDivitt – Air Force Brig. Gen. James McDivitt, who died Oct. 13 at age 93, was the commander of the 1969 Apollo 9 mission, the first in-space test of the Apollo command and lunar modules functioning together. McDivitt took the lunar lander, making its first test flight, 100 miles away from the command module and then successfully rendezvoused and docked with it. The mission paved the way for the first lunar landing a few months later. As a space rookie, he also commanded Gemini IV, a mission that saw co-pilot Ed White make the first U.S. spacewalk. McDivitt was an Air Force fighter pilot in the Korean war, where he flew 145 missions and twice received the Distinguished Flying Cross. He was also an Air Force test pilot who flew chase on the X-15 program. After retirement from NASA and the Air Force, he was a business executive, spending 14 years with Rockwell International, a leading aerospace company.

Ash Carter – Defense Secretary during the Obama Administration, Ashton Carter, who died Oct. 25 at age 68, was a mentor and example to many. Carter was an accomplished scientist and Rhodes Scholar with a doctorate in physics from Oxford University as well as a seasoned public servant and diplomat who held numerous senior policy and technology positions in the Pentagon. He oversaw the anti-ISIS fight, opened all military jobs to women and permitted transgender persons to serve in the U.S. military. He sped the delivery of mine-resistant vehicles to troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, instituted the “Better Buying Power” acquisition reforms and presided over the selection of the KC-46 tanker. Carter helped de-nuclearize several former Soviet states after the demise of the Soviet Union, under the Nunn-Lugar program. He taught at Harvard University, negotiated numerous nuclear weapons treaties, and received five awards of the Defense Department Distinguished Public Service Medal. He served on the boards of the MITRE Corp., MIT’s Lincoln Labs and Draper. Carter authored 11 books on ballistic missile strategy, international security and defense management.

Joe Kittinger – Best known for his ultra-high-altitude balloon ascents and freefall jumps, Col. Joseph W. Kittinger, Jr., who died Dec. 9 at age 94, was also an Air Force fighter pilot who was held in the infamous “Hanoi Hilton” as a POW during the Vietnam War. In 1959-1960’s “Project Excelsior,” Kittinger made record-setting jumps—one from more than 100,000 feet—to test astronaut equipment and escape gear and to assess the effects on human physiology of operating at extreme altitudes. His record for longest freefall still stands. For this work, he received the Distinguished Flying Cross and the Harmon Trophy. Kittinger flew the A-26 Invader and F-4 Phantom in Vietnam , and shot down a MiG-21 in a dogfight, receiving another DFC. But he was shot down himself in May 1972 and endured torture and near-starvation at the hands of the North Vietnamese for 321 days. He retired from the Air Force after 29 years with more than 7,600 flying hours. In retirement, Kittinger made a solo balloon flight from the U.S. to Italy, and helped daredevil Felix Baumgartner prepare for a high-altitude freefall meant to break Kittinger’s own records. He wrote a book about his life called “Come Up and Get Me,” with co-author Craig Ryan.

Defense Spending Bill Adds Up to 11 F-35s, Boosts Secret Portfolio by $2 Billion

Dec. 20, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

The Air Force would acquire 44 F-35s in fiscal 2023, 11 more than the 33 it requested, under provisions of the Senate’s defense appropriations bill released Dec. 20. The measure also increases funding for classified USAF programs by $2 billion.

The National Defense Authorization Act did not specify a number of F-35As to be purchased by the Air Force but did increase spending authority for the jets from $3.32 billion to $4.09 billion. That would be enough to buy 42 aircraft. But Congressional appropriators appear poised to add another $150 million on top of that, bringing the total to $4.24 billion, enough to pay for 44.

The additional aircraft would be spaced out across production Lots 15, 16, and 17. It is unclear if the amount provided will pay for so many aircraft; the unit cost of the most recent Air Force F-35As was about $80 million each. More capable Block 4 aircraft are expected to cost more.

“AFA commends Congress for investing in advanced fighter capability and capacity,” AFA President retired Lt. Gen. Bruce “Orville” Wright said. “The F-35A is the most capable fighter aircraft available today, and along with the F-15EX, B-21, and other advanced capabilities, will be the crucial backbone of the Air Force stealth fighter force for years to come. America needs even more F-35As to hold adversaries at risk and deter aggression in an ever more complex and dangerous world.”

Appropriators also added to the Air Force’s classified program budget, increasing investment by $2 billion; the National Guard would receive $1 billion extra for non-specific procurement, and the HH-60W Combat Rescue Helicopter program, which the Air Force wants to curtail, is set to gain an extra $600 million. USAF had planned to cut the helicopter from a fleet of 113 aircraft to 75, which the service said stems from changes in the way combat rescue will have to be accomplished in the future.

Air Combat Command chief Gen. Mark D. Kelly has speculated that the combat rescue mission might be better performed by autonomous aircraft.

The Air Force requested only 33 F-35s in its FY23 request, saying it would forego purchases now in order to wait for the more advanced Block 4 version later. The Senate originally moved to fund 40 F-35s, while the House did not add to the buy. Unusually, the final NDAA conference report set only a topline amount for that procurement, at $4.09 billion, but did not specify a number. Since the appropriations bill will follow the NDAA, it will supersede the NDAA; where two laws conflict, as in the amount to spend on F-35s, the second law enacted takes precedence.

Air Force: B-2 Can Still Fly Missions, Despite Stand Down

Dec. 20, 2022 | By Chris Gordon

Editor’s Note: This story was updated Dec. 21 to reflect a statement from the 509th Bomb Wing that the runway at Whiteman Air Force Base has reopened.

A day after publicly disclosing a safety stand-down for its entire fleet of B-2 Spirit bombers, the Air Force clarified that the nuclear-capable B-2 can still fly—if absolutely necessary.

The 509th Bomb Wing, which operates the Air Force’s fleet of 20 B-2s, said Dec. 20 the stealth bombers ”can be flown if directed by the commander in chief to fulfill mission requirements.”

Meanwhile, the Department of Defense is investigating the Dec. 10 incident at Whiteman Air Force Base, Mo., involving a B-2 that temporarily closed the runway and sparked the safety stand-down in the first place.

In a press briefing Dec. 20, Pentagon spokesperson Brig. Gen. Patrick S. Ryder downplayed the ramifications of the stand-down. “The Department of Defense, to include the Air Force, has a variety of capabilities at its disposal, particularly when it comes to our strategic bomber fleet,” Ryder said. “We also have the B-52, which is both conventional and nuclear capable, which provides a redundant capability, broadly speaking, when it comes to our strategic forces.”

The 509th Bomb Wing provided updates on the incident Dec. 20 and 21. One statement cited “a fire associated with the aircraft.” The Air Force and Pentagon have not answered questions on the extent of the damage to the aircraft involved. The runway was initially closed, but a statement Dec. 21 said it had reopened.

“We’re exercising due diligence to ensure the continued safety of our Airmen and our aircraft,” Col. Daniel Diehl, 509th Bomb Wing commander, said in one of the statements.

A safety investigation board is still trying to determine the cause of the incident, the wing added.

“The board consists of specialists who provide technical expertise to prevent future mishaps,” the 509th Bomb Wing said. “The team is conducting an extensive inspection to determine the root cause of the mishap.”

The 509th Bomb Wing continues to describe the incident as the result of an “in-flight malfunction” that caused the aircrew to make a “successful” emergency landing. The aircraft was then “damaged on the runway” after touchdown. The nature of the in-flight issue and exactly how the aircraft was damaged on the ground is unclear.

The Dec. 10 incident is the second serious mishap involving a B-2 at Whiteman Air Force Base in 15 months. In a September 2021 incident, a B-2 had an issue with its hydraulic system before its landing gear collapsed on touchdown due to worn springs, according to an Air Force investigation.

The Air Force and Pentagon insist this current grounding of the B-2 fleet is just a precaution. If called upon, B-2s could execute a mission at the president’s direction, they said, alluding to its role as part of America’s nuclear arsenal.

However, it is unclear how the debris on the runway at Whiteman Air Force Base would affect that, and the Air Force has not said whether there are airworthy B-2s at any other bases. The safety stand-down applies to all B-2s—the B-2 damaged in 2021 was last seen flying to California for further repairs.

“I’m confident that we continue to maintain the bomber capability that we need to deter adversaries and, if necessary, in combat,” Ryder said. “We have plenty of redundancy and resiliency built into our combat capabilities across the Department of Defense. On any given day, at any given time, there is going to be aircraft, ships, forces on the ground available to confront any threat that we may have wherever it may pop up, so no vulnerabilities at this time.”

This article was updated Dec. 21 to reflect the re-opening of the Whiteman Air Force Base runway.

Space Force at 3 Years Old: Plenty More to Come

Dec. 20, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The U.S. Space Force officially turned 3 years old on Dec. 20, marked by a flurry of social media posts and celebrations for the nation’s youngest military service—and signaling yet another milestone in its maturation.

In an image shared to Twitter, Chief of Space Operations Gen. B. Chance Saltzman sliced a cake alongside Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall, Chief Master Sergeant of the Space Force Roger A. Towberman, and a young Guardian. It is the first time since the service was founded Dec. 20, 2019, that it has not had Gen. John W. “Jay” Raymond as its leader.

“We may be young, but our capabilities are mature beyond our years!” Saltzman wrote in his tweet. “ … CMSSF Towberman and I want to thank our Guardians and their families for all they do each and every day in service to our nation!”

We may be young, but our capabilities are mature beyond our years! Happy 3rd Birthday @SpaceForceDoD! CMSSF Towberman and I want to thank our #Guardians and their families for all they do each and every day in service to our nation! #SemperSupra pic.twitter.com/BYAtVNNI2S
— General Chance Saltzman (@SpaceForceCSO) December 20, 2022

It has been an eventful year for the Space Force, which entered Year three of its existence looking to increase its focus on fighting and “lethality.”

Over the past 12 months, the service has expanded its presence, establishing new component commands at U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, U.S. Central Command, and U.S. Forces Korea. Another component command will stand up soon in U.S. European Command.

The Space Force also welcomed in hundreds of transfers from the other services, and several civilians who commissioned in at a higher rank than typical, thanks to extensive industry experience, and it brought the entire Space Development Agency into its organization.

The service also continued to refine its core doctrine and strategies, with more and more emphasis on building resiliency in orbit. Space Operations Command released a strategic plan, and Space Training and Readiness Command has published a series of “Space Doctrine Publications.” The Pentagon also updated its space policy.

USSF also beefed up its training exercises, with its signature Space Flag exercise gaining Joint accreditation and several new exercises in the works.

The service even adopted its own official song, “Semper Supra.”

Yet there is still more to come in Year Four. SDA is planning to launch the first of what will become a constellation of satellites that will make up the National Defense Space Architecture, a massive constellation in low-Earth orbit.

Saltzman has pledged to keep driving the service to become the “combat-ready force that our nation needs.” In an interview with Air & Space Forces Magazine, he spoke recently of the need for “substantial growth” in specific areas, including building up Space Force Headquarters at the Pentagon, and ramping up the focus on warfighting and the serious threats the nation faces in space.

Everything from uniforms to a new fitness program to the organization of the service’s part-time elements continues to develop, making it clear 2023 will be another busy one for the nation’s newest and smallest military service.

B-52s and F-22s Fly with South Korean Fighters After Latest North Korean Missile Tests

Dec. 20, 2022 | By Chris Gordon

American nuclear-capable bombers and U.S. and South Korean stealth fighters flew exercises in the skies around the Korean Peninsula on Dec. 20—the latest joint show of force by the allies after recent North Korean tests of missiles and a claimed spy satellite.

B-52 Stratofortresses from Barksdale Air Force Base, La., and F-22 Raptors from Kadena Air Base, Japan, joined South Korean F-35A Lightning IIs and F-15K Slam Eagles around Jeju Island south of the peninsula, South Korea’s military said, in an effort to increase the two militaries’ ability to respond to a North Korean attack.

South Korea added that the F-22s would stay at Kunsan Air Base in the country for the next week and train with South Korean F-35s. The F-22s recently deployed to Kadena on a rotational basis from Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, Alaska to take the place of aging F-15s there.

Pacific Air Forces, U.S. Forces Korea, and U.S. Indo-Pacific Command did not immediately respond to queries from Air & Space Forces Magazine.

Pentagon spokesperson Brig. Gen. Patrick S. Ryder noted the U.S. regularly exercises with South Korea in a Dec. 20 press briefing.

“We conduct a variety of exercises with our South Korean counterparts on a variety of capabilities—all designed to ensure interoperability and to signal to our partners in the region that we are a reliable ally, but also to potential aggressors in the region that we do maintain the capabilities to deter and if necessary respond,” Ryder said.

The U.S. has a policy of “extended deterrence” towards South Korea, meaning the U.S. would protect South Korea, officially known as the Republic of Korea (ROK), in the event of an attack by North Korea.

South Korea said the Dec. 20 exercise, which included the deployment of the nuclear-capable B-52, was part of a commitment the two countries made when South Korean defense minister Lee Jong-sup visited Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III in November. The two leaders said at the time they would increase the frequency of military exercises, which dropped off during the Trump administration.

“The ROK and the U.S. will continue to strengthen the alliance’s capabilities and posture, including extended deterrence, to further solidify the ROK-U.S. alliance’s combined defense posture against North Korean nuclear and missile threats,” South Korea’s defense ministry said.

On Dec. 17, North Korea conducted its latest ballistic missile tests. North Korea, officially the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, also recently tested a solid-fuel rocket engine in a test personally overseen by Kim Jung Un, in the latest demonstration of North Korea’s advancing ballistic missile program. North Korea has launched a record number of missile tests in 2022, following Kim’s pledges that the state will field more advanced missiles and further develop its nuclear capabilities.

Meanwhile, the exercises involving the F-22s and B-52s are not the only recent ones conducted by the U.S. and South Korea.

U.S. Navy SEALs and South Korean special forces recently concluded a two-week exercise on Dec. 9, while the USS Ronald Reagan, based in Japan, recently returned to its home port after a nearly seven-month deployment, including exercises in the region alongside South Korean and Japanese forces.

South Korean warplanes dropped live weapons during a drill with American fighters in October after previous North Korean tests, and the U.S. and South Korea also conducted a large air exercise, Vigilant Storm, in November.

North Korea maintains the recent U.S. and allied military exercises in the region are provocative.

GAO to Pentagon: Get Your Tactical Aviation Plans In Line

Dec. 20, 2022 | By John A. Tirpak

The military services are leaving capability gaps as they divest of older aircraft but aren’t coordinating their tactical aviation spending plans to minimize risk, the Government Accountability Office said in a new report.

While the Pentagon agrees that it needs a portfolio approach to fighter modernization, GAO said, the Defense Department is dragging its heels in creating one.

In its report, “Tactical Aircraft Investments: DOD Needs Additional Portfolio Analysis to Inform Future Budget,” GAO said some mission areas are going unaddressed because DOD “has not yet conducted integrated acquisition portfolio-level analyses of its tactical aircraft platforms.”

The military services are poised to spend $20 billion a year on fighter modernization through 2027, GAO reported, and there’s danger of both duplication and unmet needs. For example, the Navy plans to retire land-based EA-18 Growler stand-in jammer aircraft, but the Air Force, which relies on those Growlers for electronic attack, doesn’t have an alternative.

The Growlers “support joint force requirements for tactical airborne electronic attack capability and capacity,” the GAO noted. While the Navy says this a “‘non-core’ mission” for naval aviation and is cutting it in favor of higher priorities, the Air Force has told Congress “that if the Navy goes through with this proposal, it would leave the joint force—particularly the Air Force— without an electronic warfare capability considered critical to its operations,” the GAO said.

The Navy is studying how to recapitalize its sea-based Growlers once they reach the end of their service life, circa 2040. These studies “are expected to inform the 2024 budget proposal,” the GAO reported. The Navy is upgrading shipborne Growlers to better deal with “advanced dynamic Integrated Air Defense Systems.”

Divestiture has been a hot button issue with the Air Force, as well. Until recently, Congress has repeatedly rebuffed USAF’s wish to retire A-10 Warthog close air support jets in favor of multirole aircraft that can do more types of missions. “Divesting of existing tactical aircraft to pay for new development creates a delicate balance and is a decision that should be made with the most detailed information,” GAO said.

Despite the lack of coordination, the services have completed at least eight recent tactical aviation studies, generally concluding that existing Air Force and Navy fighter aircraft “did not have the capabilities needed to compete in future combat scenarios, and some noted the need to invest in advanced technologies to address future needs. Three of the studies, which the Navy prepared, identified [current] shortfalls in the Navy’s capacity, or inventory of tactical aircraft.”

This is hardly the first time GAO has recommended that the Pentagon impose top-down coordination on the services’ TacAir plans. The GAO has been making similar recommendations since 2015, and in 2019 chided the Pentagon for not having an effective portfolio-based approach to managing its weapons procurement, patterned on commercial approaches.

In those previous audits, GAO “concluded that DOD defaulted to optimizing and addressing problems in individual programs instead of focusing on portfolios of programs that might provide greater military capability at lower risk or cost.”

The GAO urged the Secretary of Defense to “revise a DOD directive to reflect leading practices and promote development of better tools to enable integrated portfolio reviews and analyses of weapon system investments. We also recommended that the Secretary of Defense direct the military services to update or develop policies that require them to conduct annual portfolio reviews.”

DOD has “taken steps” to improve its portfolio management practices, GAO said, “a step in the right direction.” These “could provide insight into certain aspects of its investments such as tactical aircraft weapons,” GAO continued. However, “the lack of an integrated acquisition portfolio review of tactical aircraft platforms leaves DOD and Congress with limited insight into interdependencies, risks, and related trade-offs among some of DOD’s highest priority and most expensive investments,” the GAO said.

In the absence of a portfolio approach, “DOD will miss an opportunity to provide additional insight into the factors the military services consider as they propose retiring or sustaining existing tactical aircraft platforms and funding new developments.” This is crucial considering “competing priorities within the military services, and quickly evolving threats.” DOD and Congress need “comprehensive information as soon as practicable to make well-informed investment decisions going forward.”

The GAO report noted that in August 2016 it found that the DOD “and the Air Force did not have quality information on the full implications of A-10 divestment, including “gaps that could be created” by its divestment “and mitigation options.” The Air Force subsequently found “a continued need” for the aircraft, but GAO “did not assess the quality of information used by the Air Force in its most recent studies that support” A-10 divestitures. The Air Force is pruning its A-10 fleet, while also investing $466 million to upgrade and re-wing some A-10s by 2027.

GAO did not address “additional divestment details” about the Air Force’s F-15C, F-15E, F-16 ,and F-22 fleets, which “were deemed sensitive and have been omitted from this report.”

The Air Force has said its tactical aviation plans are in flux as it defines the roles to be played by the Next-Generation Air Dominance fighter and the introduction of new Collaborative Combat Aircraft, which are autonomous, uncrewed airplanes that support crewed combat aircraft.

But the Air Force’s most recent fighter roadmap, dubbed “4+1”, calls for the F-22 to be replaced by NGAD circa 2030; the F-35 to be the backbone of the force; the F-15C and E to be replaced by the F-5EX; and the F-16 to remain as a force-builder platform. The A-10 is the “plus one” in this plan, and would be retired early in the next decade.

Air Force Gets New Robots for Explosive Ordnance Disposal

Dec. 19, 2022 | By Greg Hadley

The Air Force has received its first new large-size explosive ordnance disposal robots, the latest in a series of upgrades to better equip EOD Airmen to clear unexploded bombs on runways and other air facilities.

Four of the new T7 robotic systems were formally handed over to the Air Force by contractor L3Harris, according to a Dec. 15 release. The handover came a few months after the 96th Test Wing’s explosive ordnance disposal flight began training on the system.

The new robots replace the F6A, which the Air Force has used for the past two decades to dispose of explosives at bases around the globe. The Air Force and L3Harris say the T7s are faster and havemore cameras, farther reach, stronger robotic arms, longer battery life, and extended radio range, so operators can control the robot from farther away.

The Air Force has ordered 107 of the robots and could buy as many as 170 under its contract with L3Harris.

“The T7 will help safeguard Air Force EOD operators as they mitigate explosive threats around the globe,” said L3 Harris President for Space and Airborne Systems Ed Zoiss, in a release. Calling the T-7 “the world’s most capable robot for challenging EOD tasks” he added: “We’re keenly aware of what’s at stake for these operators and constantly refine and enhance our robotic systems to minimize risk and maximize utility during these dangerous, no-fail missions.”

The delivery of the new robots into the Air Force inventory comes a little over two years after the service began rolling out its medium-sized EOD robot, the Man Transportable Robot System Increment II (MTRS II). Compared to the 710-pound T7 checks, the MTRS II weighs only around 160 pounds. The Air Force ordered 330 of the smaller robots.

More recently, the Air Force announced plans in February to field reconditioned armored vehicles equipped with lasers to detonate unexploded ordnance on airfields.

The RADBO, for Recovery of Airbase Denied By Ordnance, is based on the Cougar Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicle (MRAP) and will have a robotic arm to investigate runway craters for unexploded ordnance, and a three-kilowatt Zeus III laser that can detonate “heavily cased” unexploded bombs from as far as 300 meters away.

Unlike the T7 and the MTRS II, the RADBO would do “disposal by detonation,” which officials say is often the safest and easiest way to get rid of explosive threats.