New ‘Total Force’ Airforce.com Site Highlights Guard and Reserve Opportunities

New ‘Total Force’ Airforce.com Site Highlights Guard and Reserve Opportunities

The Air Force now has a single website to manage all its recruiting needs, covering Active Duty, Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve recruiting. Legacy sites goang.com and afreserve.com will now direct users to the central airforce.com site.

By approaching recruiting centrally as a Total Force, Air Force Recruiting Service is simplifying the picture the Air Force presents to potential recruits.

“We’re trying to portray the Air Force as an organization where you can serve in many different capacities,” AFRS marketing director Barry Dickey told Air & Space Forces Magazine in an interview. “Having all of those options and all that information on one website—I can be in the Guard, serve part-time and have a state mission that helps my local area a lot, or I can be a full-time … deployable Airman and travel around the world and do those things—we wanted to make sure that we were telling that story in one single location. And that anybody that went on there could find out all of the information they wanted on a single site.” 

A new “Ways to Serve” page highlights part-time and full-time careers and visitors can explore the Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve in more detail. The Guard page ifeatures several videos highlighting personal stories from Guardsmen. 

Updated “Benefits,” “Locations,” and “How to Join” pages, along with information on the different opportunities and requirements broken down by component, are included, and the initial online application process is now standardized across all components.  

“The new Total Force application explains the overall process, directs all applicants to one simplified, secure form to select which component they’re most interested in, and follows a few simple steps to capture necessary information for recruiters,” AFRS stated in a release. 

The decision to transition to one central site started in 2021, Dickey said, as the AFRS took over marketing for all the different components. Conducting market research, the service found that “a lot of people know the components, but they don’t know a lot about them or how they’re different,” Dickey said. 

“So we wanted to highlight those differences, just to show that there are multiple ways that you can serve in the Air Force. And then if you’re a currently serving Airmen, there’s a continuum of service that you can fall back on if you want to stay in a blue uniform. … What our research showed was that there just wasn’t a lot of knowledge about the specifics of the components out there.” 

The airforce.com domain is already the most viewed and searched among the three, and by not relegating the Guard and Reserve to separate sites, all components can benefit. Data showed airforce.com averaged around 2 million users per month—24 million or so per year–compared with 3.7 million per year for GoANG.com, and a slightly smaller number for afreserve.com. 

“Our thought is just to drive more traffic to content about the Guard or the Reserve—we can do it better through airforce.com than we could through those other two websites,” Dickey said, adding that one website increases the service’s marketing buying power, with only one site to advertise and funnel people to. 

Beyond buying power, though, Dickey said the new consolidated site is part of a shift toward a more unified, recruit-friendly approach. 

“I think we’ve realized we have a better consolidated message across the board if we focus on trying to fit the needs of a person who wants to come into the service,” Dickey said. “And we can do that through things like this new total force airforce.com. It’s just a better user experience for them, and we think we can meet the needs of the components through this methodology.” 

Air Force Recruiting commander Maj. Gen. Ed Thomas said in a statement that the new site will showcase “the unique strengths, opportunities—and importantly, the flexibilities—of each component in one place.” 

The emphasis on flexibility could be especially key as the Air Force looks to entice recruits in a competitive job market. The service barely met its Active-Duty recruiting goals for fiscal 2022 and fell short for the Guard and Reserve. 

Things are off to a better start in 2023—a Pentagon spokesman said Feb. 6 that in the first quarter of the fiscal year, the Air National Guard increased accessions in 11 percent year-over-year. 

NORAD Missed Previous Chinese Spy Balloons: ‘A Domain Awareness Gap We Have to Figure Out’

NORAD Missed Previous Chinese Spy Balloons: ‘A Domain Awareness Gap We Have to Figure Out’

Chinese surveillance balloons have previously entered U.S. airspace but went undetected by the Pentagon, the commander in charge of protecting American skies said Feb. 6.

The revelation comes as the Pentagon has sought to explain how a Chinese surveillance balloon was able to float over North America last week, getting far enough into U.S. airspace that the military said it was unsafe to shoot down without risking injuries to civilians on the ground.

“As NORAD commander, it’s my responsibility to detect threats to North America,” Air Force Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, the head of North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) and U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM), told reporters. “I will tell you that we did not detect those threats. And that’s a domain awareness gap that we have to figure out.”

Pentagon officials said Feb. 4 surveillance balloons had entered U.S. airspace at least four times in recent years, during both President Joe Biden’s and President Donald Trump’s administrations. The intelligence community eventually made “us aware of those balloons that were previously approaching North America or transited North America,” according to VanHerck, but NORAD did not know about those cases in real-time, showing a deficiency in protecting American skies.

This most recent balloon sparked domestic and international uproar. It first entered the U.S. Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) on Jan. 28, before traversing the Aleutian Islands, entering Canada, and reentering the United States over northern Idaho on Jan. 31, U.S. officials said. VanHerck said the balloon was “up to” 200 feet tall and had a “jet airline type” payload of a couple thousand pounds.

The NORAD commander said when the balloon was near the Aleutian Islands and approaching Alaska, the U.S. “could not take immediate action because it was not demonstrating hostile act or hostile intent.” But the situation changed once it flew over the continental U.S.

Biden ordered the balloon shot down Feb. 2. By that point, the balloon was visible to civilians on the ground and was operating over U.S. nuclear intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) silos at Malmstrom Air Force Base, Mont. But military commanders thought shooting the balloon down might cause serious damage on the ground.

The U.S. waited for the balloon to drift off the coast of South Carolina before an F-22 shot it down with an AIM-9X Sidewinder air-to-air missile.

VanHerck said “this balloon did not present a physical military threat to North America,” which is why the U.S. did not shoot it down when it was first detected and waited until the issue was raised to the highest levels of the government.

American officials have stressed the balloon did not pose a risk to U.S. citizens—as long as it remained airborne—throughout the entire time it transited North America. The U.S. “covered” and “minimized any collection” of intelligence by the balloon, VanHerck said. U.S. officials have declined to identify the balloon’s payload, though they have said it is clearly a surveillance asset. China claims it was a rogue weather balloon and the U.S. violated international law by shooting it down.

National Security Council strategic communications coordinator John Kirby dismissed those claims as disingenuous Feb. 6.

“In fact, that’s why we did it about six miles off the coast, inside our territorial airspace, so that we could comply with international law,” Kirby told reporters, “unlike the Chinese who didn’t comply with international law by flying it over sovereign U.S. airspace.”

VanHerck declined to specify how and when the intelligence community first informed the military about the previous balloons, noting he will be testifying before Congress to explain the situation. Members of both parties have demanded further details, and Senate Majority Leader Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) said the entire upper chamber will be briefed on the matter. Kirby said the previous cases were “brief” and “nothing like we saw last week.”

The revelation that NORAD failed to notice the previous incidents rather than simply not publicizing them shows a clear gap in America’s air defenses, which the Defense Department now hopes to plug with some of the information gathered from the debris of the balloon, scattered over about 1,500 square meters in 50 feet of water, as well as from information gleaned during its flight.

“We utilized multiple capabilities to ensure we collected and utilized the opportunity to close intel gaps,” VanHerck said.

Even after the first balloon was being tracked, “speculation” of a second balloon over North America led NORAD to launch Canadian and American fighters to conduct a visual search, according to VanHerck.

The Biden administration is willing to brief Trump administration officials about balloon incidents, according to Kirby. The Chinese government acknowledged that it has another balloon over Latin America. A senior defense official said Feb. 4 there were previous cases across five continents. It is unclear if any part of the U.S. government tracked previous Chinese balloons in real time.

Once the decision was made to shoot down the balloon, the mission was largely up to the Air Force, supported by additional assets under U.S. Northern Command. Aircraft included tankers from Oregon, Montana, South Carolina, and North Carolina and F-15s from Barnes Air National Guard Base, Mass.

An F-22 Raptor, callsign FRANK01, from Joint Base Langley-Eustis, Va., engaged the balloon with an AIM-9X Sidewinder, hitting the target. Other F-22s from Langley also took part in the mission, with at least one flying in support under a LUKE01 callsign, according to VanHerck. NORTHCOM said Feb. 4 that the F-22s involved in the shoot-down included FRANK01 and FRANK02. The callsigns were a nod to Lt. Frank Luke, Jr., a World War 1 Ace and Medal of Honor recipient nicknamed the “Arizona Balloon Buster.”

The aircraft used an AIM-9, rather than a more advanced AIM-120 AMRAAM for “safety considerations” because the AMRAAM has a larger warhead, VanHerck said. U.S. officials have said the F-22 fired its missile from 58,000 feet, and VanHerck said he was not aware of any air-to-air other engagements occurring at that altitude.

VanHerck said it was up to Langley’s 1st Fighter Wing to determine if the F-22 should receive a black balloon painted on the side, denoting a kill.

Undisclosed Number of CV-22s Grounded Until Clutch Components Are Replaced

Undisclosed Number of CV-22s Grounded Until Clutch Components Are Replaced

A little more than five months after Air Force Special Operations Command briefly stopped flying its CV-22s over a safety issue, an undisclosed number of Ospreys across the service will be grounded until maintainers can replace components that have exceeded a new flight-hour limit.  

The V-22 Joint Program Office said Feb. 4 it is imposing flight-hour limits on V-22 input quill assemblies; if installed assemblies exceed that limit, aircraft will remain grounded until the parts are swapped out. Precisely how many aircraft are affected or what the new flight hour limit is were not disclosed. 

The input quill assembly is part of the prop rotor transmission, which includes the gearbox and clutch, and transmits power from the engine to the Osprey’s massive propellers.  

Over the course of six weeks in the summer of 2022, Air Force CV-22s suffered “hard clutch engagement” incidents. At the time, then-AFSOC commander Lt. Gen. James C. “Jim” Slife explained that the problem would begin with a slipping clutch, which caused a fail-safe feature in the system to transfer power from one engine to the other, as if the first engine was no longer engaged. However, because the clutch was only slipping, and not disengaged, it was suddenly re-engaging, generating enormous spikes in torque. 

Such incidents result in “kind of a Christmas tree of lights, caution lights, in the cockpit, and some pretty squirrely flight control inputs,” Slife said at an AFA Warfighters in Action event in September 2022.  

The problem is relatively rare, and the Air Force, Marine Corps, and Navy did not understand the root cause until the summer of 2022. AFSOC had only experienced two instances of hard clutch engagement in the prior five years, but then saw two in quick succession, convincing Slife to suspend flights. 

“My stand down was really an opportunity for us to bring some attention to this in the engineering enterprise and with our industry partners, because the approach up to this point has been: Until we understand the root cause, there’s really nothing we can do about it,” Slife said. “And my view is we may not understand why it’s happening, but we absolutely know that it is happening. And so we need to take a closer look at what is happening and maybe remove some of the precursor events to each one of these.” 

At the time, only AFSOC took action, and after two weeks lifted its restrictions. But on Feb. 4, the V-22 JPO imposed the change, saying it is working on “24 initiatives, such as data mining, laboratory and flight testing, and hardware redesign” with the aim of implementing short-, medium-, and long-term solutions. 

“It was a result of these efforts that we identified and implemented the time limit for the Input Quill Assembly,” a statement from the office reads, adding that other relevant findings will also be used to improve the V-22’s safety. 

The office did not immediately respond to an Air & Space Forces Magazine query as to whether the input quill assembly was identified as the root cause of the hard clutch engagement issue, but Defense One reported that manufacturer Bell-Boeing is working on a complete redesign of the clutch. 

B-2 Fleet Remains Grounded, Limiting Participation At Red Flag

B-2 Fleet Remains Grounded, Limiting Participation At Red Flag

NELLIS AIR FORCE BASE, Nev.—The B-2 Spirit remains grounded due to safety issues—and the plane’s stand-down is beginning to disrupt planned operations.

According to information provided to the media, the stealth strategic bomber from the 509th Bomb Wing at Whiteman Air Force Base, Mo., was originally scheduled to participate in the latest iteration of Red Flag, the Air Force’s principal combat training exercise, in January and February. However, more than a month after a crash in December, the planes are still deemed unfit to fly, barring extraordinary circumstances.

“The safety stand-down is still in effect,“ Master Sgt. Beth Del Veccino, a spokesperson for the 509th Bomb Wing told Air & Space Forces Magazine on Feb. 3. “We do not have new information regarding the status of the B-2 fleet; however, we remain ready to execute any tasking as directed by the commander-in-chief or other higher authority.“

Since the B-2 cannot fly unless absolutely necessary, the Air Force brought the plane’s crews to Nellis Air Force Base and virtually simulated the aircraft in Red Flag 23-1, which is occurring over three test ranges and the Pacific Ocean. B-2 aircraft participated in Red Flag in 2022, 2021, and in other previous iterations of the exercise.

“The B-2 aircrew are here mission planning,” said Col. Jared Hutchinson, the commander of the 414th Combat Training Squadron, which coordinates Red Flag. “What we’re doing is we’re injecting B-2 virtual tracks into our system so that they can be planned, executed, and debriefed to. But there’s no actual B-2s flying.”

The 509th Bomb Wing confirmed its crews were at Red Flag in a limited capacity. 

“We sent 509th Bomb Wing personnel, including B-2 pilots, to participate in Red Flag Nellis 23-1,” Phill Stuart, the chief of command information for the 509th Bomb Wing told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “Our personnel are part of the mission planning cell for RF 23-1.”

Hutchinson added that the situation was an outlier.

“The extent of the virtual aspect of Red Flag is about what I just said,” Hutchinson said when asked if any other aircraft were being simulated, though he said Red Flag does add “more exquisite capabilities” virtually.

B-2s have been grounded since a Dec. 10 incident in which one of the aircraft suffered an in-flight malfunction and then was damaged during what the 509th Bomb Wing termed a “successful” emergency landing at Whiteman Air Force Base. The aircraft partially veered off the runway and was damaged in a fire, though Air Force officials have declined to provide more details.

The aircraft remained stuck on Whiteman Air Force Base’s lone runway before the airstrip was finally cleared Dec. 21 for operations of the other aircraft housed at Whiteman, the A-10 Thunderbolt II and the T-38 Talon.

The mishap was the second B-2 crash in a little over a year. Another aircraft blocked the runway in September 2021 after a similar accident in which the plane experienced an issue while airborne before being damaged upon landing. That crash was caused by a hydraulic issue and worn landing gear springs, according to an Air Force investigation. The Air Force has not said if it suspects the two crashes are related.

Chinese Surveillance Balloon Shot Down By F-22 After Crossing the US

Chinese Surveillance Balloon Shot Down By F-22 After Crossing the US

The U.S. Air Force successfully shot down a Chinese spy balloon off the coast of South Carolina on Feb. 4, ending days of uproar, speculation, and confusion. At 2:39 pm Eastern time, an F-22 Raptor from the 1st Fighter Wing at Joint Base Langley-Eustis, Va. fired one AIM-9X Sidewinder into the approximately 90-foot wide balloon, causing it to fall towards the Atlantic Ocean, according to senior U.S. defense and military officials.

“We successfully took it down, and I want to compliment our aviators who did it,” President Joe Biden said.

F-15s from Barnes Air National Guard Base, Mass., well as well as multiple tankers assisted in the effort, according to the Pentagon. In a briefing to reporters, U.S. defense and military officials said an F-22 fired the Sidewinder from 58,000 feet, hitting the balloon operating at around 60,000 to 65,000 feet. It is the first known air-to-air takedown for an F-22. The shootdown came after the U.S. ordered a ground stop at nearby airports and closed airspace in the vicinity.

“At the direction of President Biden, U.S. fighter aircraft assigned to U.S. Northern Command successfully brought down the high altitude surveillance balloon launched by and belonging to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) over the water off the coast of South Carolina in U.S. airspace,” Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III said in a statement. “The balloon, which was being used by the PRC in an attempt to surveil strategic sites in the continental United States, was brought down above U.S. territorial waters.”

For days, the Department of Defense sought to explain how a surveillance asset from its main rival had managed to end up—and stay—in American airspace, even as the U.S. acknowledged it was tracking the balloon that was trying to take a peek at sensitive national security sites.

The balloon first entered the U.S.’s air defense identification zone (ADIZ) near Alaska on Jan. 28, north of the Aleutian Islands and moved largely across land, a senior defense official said. North American Aerospace Command (NORAD) has previously escorted warplanes planes out of the U.S.’s ADIZ, which serves as a protective buffer beyond U.S. airspace. But the balloon continued to fly even as the U.S. tracked it, the official said, and entered Canadian airspace on Jan. 30., which is protected jointly by the U.S. and Canada through NORAD, before reentering U.S. airspace in northern Idaho Jan. 31.

F-22s from Nellis Air Force Base, Nev. were scrambled on Feb. 1, when the senior defense official said the U.S. considered shooting down the balloon over Montana—where Malmstrom Air Force Base, one of U.S.’s nuclear international continental ballistic missile (ICBM) sites, is located.

“After careful analysis, U.S. military commanders had determined downing the balloon while over land posed an undue risk to people across a wide area, due to the size and altitude of the balloon and its surveillance payload,” Austin said.

The Pentagon’s failure to acknowledge the incident until Feb. 2—after it had been spotted by civilians over Montana—prompted consternation on both sides of the aisle in Congress. The incident led to the cancellation of Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s scheduled visit to China, which was supposed to occur Feb. 3. It would have been the first cabinet-level visit by a U.S. official to occur during the Biden administration.

China claimed the balloon was a weather balloon that had drifted off course.

“China regrets that the airship strayed into the United States due to force majeure,” China’s foreign ministry said in a statement Feb. 3., referring to a situation out of its control.

U.S. officials did not buy that assertion, saying it was clearly a spy asset, and Austin said in his statement the balloon’s flight was an “unacceptable violation of our sovereignty.”

It is also apparently not the first incident of its type. Pentagon officials said Chinese surveillance balloons have entered U.S. airspace since the Trump administration, though the U.S. has not previously acknowledged the incidents. And America has not been the only nation targeted.

“Over the past several years, Chinese balloons have previously been spotted over countries across five continents, including in East Asia, South Asia and Europe,” a senior defense official said. The Pentagon said another Chinese balloon is currently flying over Latin America.

Members of the president’s own party have called for further explanation from the administration and the Pentagon, even as they praised the way Biden handled the situation. Many Republicans blasted the administration for not shooting down the balloon earlier. After the downing, Biden said that he had ordered the balloon shot down “as soon as possible” on Feb. 1, but it was unsafe to do so at that time.

“President Biden made the right decision to shoot down this alleged Chinese spy balloon out of range of American civilians and infrastructure,” Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.), chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee said in a statement Feb. 4. “I look forward to a full briefing on the situation and U.S. plans moving ahead.”

As the balloon finally drifted over the Atlantic, two Langley F-22s, using the callsigns FRANK01 and FRANK02, finally brought the balloon down. A NORTHCOM spokesperson said the callsigns were a homage to Lt. Frank Luke Jr., a World War 1 ace and Medal of Honor recipient. Luke was nicknamed the “Arizona Balloon Buster” after destroying 14 German balloons in 17 days. Luke Air Force Base, Ariz. is named in his honor.

The Navy and Coast Guard are searching for the balloon debris in 47 feet of water six miles off the coast of South Carolina, according to the DOD, though debris could be spread for miles.

“I ordered the Pentagon to shoot it down,” Biden said. “The best time to do that was when it got over water.”

B-1s Join F-22s and S. Korean F-35s, in Latest Bomber Task Force Mission

B-1s Join F-22s and S. Korean F-35s, in Latest Bomber Task Force Mission

A pair of U.S. Air Force B-1B Lancers and F-22 Raptors flew alongside F-35s from the Republic of Korea on Feb. 1—the third bomber flight near the Korean Peninsula in recent months. The jets then trained Feb. 3 with USAF F-22s, Marine Corps F-35Bs, and ROK F-35s. 

The B-1s subsequently flew to Andersen Air Force Base, Guam, to kick off another Bomber Task Force deployment.

The Republic of Korea Defense Ministry announced the first round of joint air training Feb. 2, saying the aircraft linked up over the Yellow Sea, just west of the Peninsula. The ROK Air Force announced the second round Feb. 3, according to multiple media reports, noting that it also took place over the Yellow Sea. 

A Pacific Air Forces spokesman confirmed to Air & Space Forces Magazine that the B-1s came from Ellsworth Air Force Base, S.D., and the F-22s came from Joint Base Elmendorf–Richardson. A release from PACAF announced the Bomber Task Force mission.

The combined flight marks the first combined air training between the ROK, or South Korean, Air Force and the U.S. Air Force in 2023, though U.S. bombers have become a frequent sight in the skies near South Korea recently.  

In late December, B-52 Stratofortresses from Barksdale Air Force Base, La., flew alongside American F-22s and ROK F-35s and F-15s around Jeju Island south of the peninsula. And in November, B-1s from Ellsworth flew over the Peninsula for the first time in five years. 

In both cases, the bombers’ flights represented shows of force shortly after North Korea conducted missile tests. 

These most recent flights came just a days after Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III visited Seoul and pledged alongside South Korean defense minister Lee Jong-sup to increase the size and scope of joint U.S.-ROK military exercises. That includes increased participation from fifth-gen fighters and strategic bombers. 

Ellsworth B-1s last participated in an Indo-Pacific BTF in the fall, from October to November. 

“It’s a privilege to be back in the Pacific area of responsibility and to be on the forward-edge of deterring our adversaries and supporting our Allies,” Maj. Abraham Moreland, assistant director of operations for the 34th Expeditionary Bomb Squadron, said in a statement. “The relationships we have with our Allies in the region are crucial to the security of the Indo-Pacific, and the partnerships we build while out here give our aircrews the critical training and experience necessary to be successful in this environment.”

The U.S. missions both reassure South Korea and respond to mounting pressure from North Korea, where Kim Jong Un has stepped up missile tests and recently launched drones over South Korean airspace. 

With tensions increasing, South Korean president Yoon Suk Yeol made waves by saying his country may be forced to either ask the U.S. to redeploy nuclear arms on the peninsula or to develop nuclear weapons of its own. And a recent independent, bipartisan commission recommended the two countries begin “pre-decisional” discussions about what it would take to redeploy tactical nuclear weapons to the region. 

Replacing Physical Prototypes with the Digital Twin

Replacing Physical Prototypes with the Digital Twin

Since its inception, the digital twin has proven to be a revolutionary design tool for the aerospace and defense (A&D) industry. The ability to develop and test new products using virtual models (digital twins) before producing them physically has saved companies valuable time and money. Digital twins are used throughout the program lifecycle and have reduced engineers’ reliance on physical prototypes. Yet when can we stop building prototypes altogether?

There are still multiple obstacles in the A&D industry that prevent the comprehensive digital twin from replacing physical prototypes. These obstacles can be narrowed down to culture, processes, and technology.

To begin, imagine hearing on your next commercial flight, “Welcome to Autonomous Airways. This is our inaugural pilotless flight.” Then you hear the pilot’s welcome message from a voice that sounds like your iPhone. Most of us would unbuckle our seat belts and leave the plane. 

The technology to enable pilotless commercial flight already exists, but it is not yet certified, and more importantly, it is not yet culturally acceptable. Ninety percent of your last commercial flight was already flown by a computer, but we all feel much better knowing that a real human pilot is there to take over if the computer makes a mistake. 

We as people will need to build confidence in autonomous aircraft in careful, methodological steps. Building confidence in the comprehensive digital twin to replace physical prototypes will be no different. Engineers, program leaders, and regulatory agencies will need to learn to accept digital twins as prototypes, starting with less complex systems like circuit boards and landing gear struts, gradually scaling up toward full aircraft models.

This will require a change in our processes relating to prototypes and digital twins. Presently, engineers build a digital twin to model what they expect from physical hardware. These digital twins have enabled a “fly it before you build it mindset” Next, they build and test a physical prototype of said hardware and use the data gathered from those tests to validate their digital twin. This type of process sees truth in the physical piece, not the digital twin. To replace physical prototypes, engineers, program leaders, and regulatory agencies need to believe that the digital twin is the truth, eventually circumventing the need for validation testing with real hardware. 

Engineers already have tools and software to virtually replicate complex systems. However, the integration of these simulated systems must continue to improve. Add this integration to seamless, out of the box simulation, with the right fidelity, running in real time, and confidence in digital twin performance will significantly increase. Continually validating and optimizing these digital twins with data and insights from physical test will eventually provide the fidelity and confidence needed to enable modeling and validation of very complex systems that have yet to be built in the physical world.

Replacing physical prototypes with digital twins requires visionary leaders throughout our industry who believe it can be done, who can inspire their companies to believe in it, too. Obstructions in culture, processes, and technology may prevent it now, but they will be overcome in time, and physical prototypes will go the way of slide rules and 8-track tapes.

About the Author:

Todd Tuthill is the Vice President for Aerospace and Defense at Siemens Digital Industries Software. He joined Siemens in June of 2022 after more than 30 years in the Aerospace and Defense industry. His engineering background is in systems design with functional engineering and program leadership roles and a strong vision for digital transformation. 

Tuthill’s aerospace leadership career spans McDonnell Douglas/Boeing, Moog, Raytheon and Siemens, and his experience encompasses all aspects of A&D programs, including design, model-based systems engineering, software engineering, lean product development, supplier/partner management and program management. In his new role at Siemens, Tuthill is a passionate advocate for the advancement of digital transformation across the A&D Industry.

US Gains Access to More Bases in the Philippines

US Gains Access to More Bases in the Philippines

The U.S. will be able to rotate troops and build facilities at four military bases in the Philippines, officials from the two countries announced Feb. 1, deepening their military cooperation to counter China. 

Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III and Philippine Secretary of National Defense Carlito Galvez made the joint announcement during Austin’s visit to the Philippines.  

The deal expands the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, which did not allow U.S. troops to be based in the Philippines but did authorize access to “agreed locations … on a rotational basis, for security cooperation exercises, joint and combined military training activities, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief activities,” according to the State Department. 

The two countries had previously agreed to five locations, including four air bases. The U.S. has already allocated $82 million in infrastructure for those bases, the Pentagon noted in a release. 

Officials declined to name the locations of the four new bases, with Galvez saying in a joint press conference that they will do so after consultations with local authorities. Possibilities include Clark Air Base, where the U.S. Air Force operated until 1991. In 2012, the Philippines agreed to give U.S. forces limited access to the base. 

The U.S. and the Philippines have a long military relationship, dating back to the Spanish-American War, after which the U.S. acquired the territory from Spain. Even after its independence following World War II, tens of thousands of Filipinos joined and served in the American military, and the U.S. maintained a robust presence in the Philippines for decades. In 1991, the Philippine Senate voted not to reauthorize the basing agreement, and the U.S. left its bases there the following year.

Even after that, the two countries maintained close ties and conducted frequent military exercises together. During President Rodrigo Duterte time in office, he threatened to scale back joint exercises with the U.S. and pursued closer ties with Russia and China. That delayed implementation of the EDCA. 

After Duterte left office in 2022, he was succeeded by Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the son of controversial former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr., who ruled for more than 20 years, imposing martial law for part of that time. 

Under the younger Marcos, relations between the U.S. and the Philippines have strengthened, and EDCA projects are again ramping up. Said Austin: “This relationship is strong, and we will continue to work hard to strengthen it further.” 

Last week U.S.. Pacific Air Forces Airmen visited Clark Air Base and Basa Air Base in the Philippines for a subject matter expert exchange with the Philippine Air Force. They discussed “munitions, maintenance, logistics, and hot pit refueling … [in] a precursor to cooperation in future large exercises in the Indo-Pacific region,” according to a Feb. 2 news release

Galvez expressed interest in expanding the Philippine Air Force’s capabilities with U.S. platforms and further engagements in the future.  

“We really need C-130s, and also those Black Hawks that we bought that we configured to search-and-rescue capability,” Galvez said. The Philippines signed a deal for 32 Black Hawk helicopters in February 2022 and has made moves to acquire C-130Js as well. 

F-22s Scramble from Nellis in Response to Chinese Spy Balloon Over US

F-22s Scramble from Nellis in Response to Chinese Spy Balloon Over US

NELLIS AIR FORCE BASE, Nev.—The Pentagon is tracking what it says is a Chinese surveillance balloon over the continental United States, it said Feb. 2.

The U.S. military scrambled two Air Force F-22 Raptors from Nellis Air Force Base, Nev. on Feb. 1 in response to the incident, Air & Space Forces Magazine has confirmed. A senior defense official said the U.S. considered shooting the balloon down over Montana.

“We had been looking at whether there was an option yesterday over some sparsely populated areas in Montana,” the senior defense official told reporters Feb. 2. “But we just couldn’t buy down the risk enough to feel comfortable recommending shooting it down yesterday.”

The balloon remains over the U.S., though the Pentagon said they do not think it poses a significant risk.

“The U.S. government, to include NORAD, continues to track and monitor it closely,” Pentagon press secretary Brig. Gen. Patrick S. Ryder said. “The balloon is currently traveling at an altitude well above commercial air traffic and does not present a military or physical threat to people on the ground.”

The U.S. has been “tracking it for some time” after the balloon “entered the continental United States airspace a couple of days ago,” the senior defense official said.

The senior defense official said President Joe Biden was briefed on the balloon and asked for military options. Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III, who was on travel in the Philippines, convened top senior military leaders, including Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Mark A. Milley and Air Force Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, the head of North American Aerospace Command (NORAD) and U.S. Northern Command (NORTHCOM).

The senior defense official said Milley and VanHerck recommended “not to take kinetic action due to the risk to safety and security of people on the ground from the possible debris field,” which led to Biden deciding not to use force against the balloon. According to the Pentagon, the balloon is still at a “high altitude” over the continental U.S., though they declined to specify its protected flight path or current location.

A ground stop occurred Feb. 1 at the airport in Billings, Mont. according to air traffic control data, where the senior defense official noted the U.S. considering shooting the balloon down. Residents in Montana noted an unusual object in the sky, according to local media reports. A user on Twitter captured a video of the two F-22s refueling over Utah.

The Air Force maintains intercontinental ballistic missile fields across a wide swath of Montana, as part of the 341st Missile Wing at Malmstrom Air Force Base, Mont.—one of three American strategic nuclear ICBM bases.

“Clearly the intent of this balloon is for surveillance,” the senior defense official said. “And so the current flight path does carry it over a number of sensitive sites.”

The U.S. is confident the balloon is from the People’s Republic of China, Pentagon officials said.

“I’m not going to go into all the ways in which we know that it’s a PRC balloon,” the senior defense official said. “I will just say we have very high confidence that this is a PRC balloon. Very high confidence. So we do not doubt that this is a PRC balloon. And that is an assessment shared across our intelligence and analytic community.”

The Pentagon declined to provide exact details on the size of the balloon, though the senior defense official said it was “sizable” and would have posed a risk to civilians on the ground if it was shot down due to its size and height. The senior defense official noted reports of pilots spotting the balloon.

Ryder said “instances of this kind of balloon activity have been observed previously over the past several years.”

The senior defense official noted, however, that the balloon was staying over the U.S. longer than in previous cases.

“It is not the first time that you had a balloon of this nature cross over the continental United States,” the senior defense official said. “It has happened a handful of other times over the past few years, to include before this administration. It is appearing to hang out for a long period of time this time around, more persistent than in previous instances.”

The incident comes at a sensitive time. Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken was due to travel to China in the coming days in an effort to open channels of communication between the two countries. It is not clear if that visit will go ahead. High-level military-to-military talks between China and the U.S. have not occurred despite a recent public plea by Austin after a Chinese jet intercepted a U.S. Air Force RC-135 over the South China Sea in what the Pentagon said was an unsafe manner. The Pentagon said they were unsure what motivated the Chinese to send a spy balloon over America.

“I don’t know why they did what they did,” the senior defense official said. “I will say that the past number of times it did not loiter over the continental United States for an extended period of time. It’s different. And precisely why they made the decision to make this different I think really is a question for them.”