F-15E Fighters with Advanced New EW System Arrive in England

F-15E Fighters with Advanced New EW System Arrive in England

F-15E Strike Eagles with new electronic warfare suites landed at RAF Lakenheath last week, the first in the fleet to receive the upgrades. 

The two fighters arrived at Lakenheath on Jan. 16, bringing with them the Eagle Passive/Active Warning and Survivability System, or EPAWSS, the 48th Fighter Wing said in a release. The wing’s two F-15E units, the 494th and 492nd Fighter Squadrons, will get one each, allowing aviators to train with the new system. 

The jets’ arrival came just a few days after the Air Force cleared EPAWSS for full-rate production, starting the upgrade process for 99 F-15Es. The system, manufactured by BAE Systems, includes “integrated radar warning, geolocation, situational awareness, and self-protection solutions,” according to the company.

“Having EPAWSS operational at RAF Lakenheath significantly enhances our ability to detect and counter threats, ensuring the safety and effectiveness of our crews,” said Lt. Col. Timothy Causey, commander of the 492nd Fighter Squadron. “This advanced electronic warfare system, when combined with the F-35s, acts as a powerful force multiplier, transforming our operations and amplifying the 48th Fighter Wing’s impact in the battlespace.” 

EPAWSS comes standard on the F-15EX and is the reason why some have called the EX a “generation 4.5” fighter, positioning it between conventional fourth-generation F-15s and fifth-gen F-22s and F-35s. The Air Force says EPAWSS enables equipped jets to “deny, degrade, deceive, disrupt, and defeat radio frequency (RF) and electro-optical/infrared threat systems within contested and highly contested environments.” 

Growing competition in the electromagnetic spectrum has set off something of an EW arms race, and the Air Force and its suppliers have been mum about EPAWSS’s specific capabilities. Still, one EPAWSS capability officials have described is “cognitive” EW—referring to the system’s ability to recognize new threats and adapt its response without the pilot’s intervention or input. 

Air Force Shuts Down DEI Programs, Following President’s Orders

Air Force Shuts Down DEI Programs, Following President’s Orders

The Air Force has started shutting down its diversity and inclusion offices and boards to comply with President Donald Trump’s sweeping order to root out DEI from federal agencies, but the process will not be completed overnight, an official told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

Trump ordered diversity, equality, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA) offices shut down, and the Office of Personnel Management directed DEIA offices to cease all efforts by 5 p.m. Jan. 22, while placing DEIA office employees on paid administrative leave with the intent of ending their employment by the end of the month.

By noon Jan. 23, all agencies were supposed to report on “all steps taken to implement this memorandum.” While the Air Force did so, the official said, implementing the guidance remained an ongoing project with programs and outward facing communications still being identified.

Acting Secretary of the Air Force Gary A. Ashworth directed the “disestablishment of all Department of the Air Force Barrier Analysis Working Groups (DAFBAWGs) effective immediately” in a memo to Air Force leaders. The memo was circulated on social media and confirmed authentic to Air & Space Forces Magazine.

The Department of the Air Force Barrier Analysis Working Group included teams of volunteers whose role was to analyze policies and identify “potential barriers to equal opportunity.” Among their causes: expanding shaving waivers for Black Airmen suffering from razor bumps caused by ingrown hairs, and championing body armor purpose-built for female Airmen.

Social media pages for the Barrier Analysis Working Group teams were down, as were webpages and official releases for the Air Force’s Diversity and Inclusion Office, Air Combat Command’s Organizational Culture Office, Air Force Materiel Command’s DEIA program, and the Air Force Academy’s diversity and inclusion minor.

Across the Department of Defense, the website for the Secretary of Defense’s Office for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion had likewise been purged, along with the website for the Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute.

Officials from the Pentagon, Department of the Air Force, and more than half a dozen USAF organizations all provided the same response to queries from Air & Space Forces Magazine: “The Department of Defense will fully execute and implement all directives outlined in the executive orders issued by the President, ensuring that they are carried out with utmost professionalism, efficiency, and in alignment with national security objectives.”

The actions come less than two years after the Department of the Air Force issued a 17-page “Diversity, Equity, Inclusion, and Accessibility (DEIA) Strategic Plan” in 2023. “The DAF’s diversity and inclusion efforts are informed by science, business best practices, congressional mandates, data­ focused policy reviews and assessments, and the lived experiences of Airmen and Guardians working together every day,” the document read.

Rolling back every DEIA program and position is a massive undertaking. Air Force policies related to diversity date back to 2012, when the service released AFI 36-7001, mandating diversity training and outreach. Those regulations did not go away during Trump’s first term in office; in 2019, when he was president, the Air Force updated and expanded that AFI to define new roles and specific requirements, including: 

  • A larger “Air Force Executive Diversity & Inclusion Council” with deputy chiefs of staff and major command representatives; 
  • A new Chief of Air Force Diversity & Inclusion;  
  • Directives that major commands “implement programs and practices that explicitly support diversity and inclusion across the organization,” including consideration for designating chief diversity and inclusion officers to advise to senior leadership; 
  • New training programs in Basic Military Training, professional military education, and in onboarding programs for new commanders and general officers. 

The Department of the Air Force stood up its Office of Diversity and Inclusion in 2021, nine days before President Biden took office. Many major commands followed, appointing diversity and inclusion officers and executive councils. But the fiscal 2024 National Defense Authorization Act blocked the establishment of any new officer positions and froze hiring for any vacancies.

Eliminating DEI programs could generate financial savings. The Biden administration’s 2025 budget request included $162 million for “dedicated DEIA activities … across the Military Departments, the OSD Office for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion, and the Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute.”

Implications for Air Force programs, such as recruiting, remain unclear. USAF recruiters have worked to reach underrepresented groups lacking a direct connection to the military community. Programs such as the Aim High Flight Academy, launched in 2021, and AFRS Detachment 1, started in 2018, were designed to expand the pool of potential pilots by attracting more women and minorities to a field long dominated by White men.

Retired Maj. Gen. Ed Thomas Jr., the former head of the Air Force Recruiting Service, said exposing a wider audience to all the Air Force has to offer made sense. “We have to attract Americans from all walks of life, but when we select them, it’s based on their merit,” he told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “At the end of the day, we’re a system based on merit, and our lives and the security of the nation depends on us being an organization based on merit.” 

Thomas said recruiters will still seek candidates wherever they can find them because doing so keeps the talent pool as wide as possible at a time of fierce competition for talent. “I believe it will be tremendously necessary—again, with the big caveat that we attract all, but we select the best,” he said. 

Training courses directed by AFI 36-7001 may take time to be replaced in set curriculum. In Air Force Basic Training, for example, AFI 36-7001 established three hours of diversity training as the “optimal instruction time” over seven and a half weeks. How that time is being spent now is not yet clear, nor is the one hour of training included in the Air War College program for DEI programming. 

Air Education and Training Command, which is responsible for tracking and reporting on those courses, did not say if that training has been revoked. The 37th Training Wing, which oversees Air Force Basic Training, and Air University, which oversees Air War College and other professional military education programs, both responded with the same statement provided by other Air Force institutions.

Also unclear is the future of the Air Force’s Equal Opportunity program, which predates DEI programs, or the Inspector General’s office, which sometimes investigates complaints about discrimination. DEI is not synonymous with EEO, although some overlap between the two is inevitable.

Retired Col. Don Christensen, a former chief prosecutor for the Air Force, expressed concern about potential effects on the equal opportunity program. “We know that discrimination exists, we know harassment exists, and we know it from surveys, we know it from the results of investigations,” Christensen said. “We have to be aware that there can be disparate treatment based on race … and if we take our eye off of that, then we run the risk that it’s going to run rampant and there’ll be basically no one to look at it.” 

The executive orders and memos on DEI emphasize an intent to focus on merit-based opportunity, but they do not address individual cases of discrimination. DEI programs sometimes sought to identify systemic discrimination, which is distinct from individual cases.

New Report: Fixes to Pilot ‘Crisis’ Tied to Fleet Size, Flying Hours, Reserves

New Report: Fixes to Pilot ‘Crisis’ Tied to Fleet Size, Flying Hours, Reserves

Fixing the Air Force’s chronic combat pilot shortage will require more aircraft in the fleet, more flying hours to squadron operations, and retaining more pilots within Reserve components, according to a new paper from AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies.

“If we don’t have experienced fighter pilots, we risk the outcome not just of the mission, but the entire operation, or even the war,” said Heather Penney, senior resident fellow at Mitchell and author of the report.

Experience is particularly important for the pilot shortage given the time it takes to develop a seasoned pilot and the urgency of great power competition.

At a virtual rollout to discuss the paper, Penney noted that it takes 250 flying hours and 60 simulator sorties to “grow” a qualified F-35 flight leader, and that pilot has already had more than a year of basic flight instruction. All told, it takes five years to train a combat pilot.

“But we can’t wait five years,” she said. “We must build the ‘fight tonight’ force with enough strategic depth to successfully sustain combat operations. … We are out of time, and we must have a sense of urgency, because if we don’t, we risk losing.”

The combat pilot shortfall has persisted and grown for more than 20 years. In 2006, the Air Force was short 200 fighter pilots, Penney said. That deficit grew to 1,000 fighter pilots by 2017 and now stands at 1,150 fighter pilots.

Those missing pilots mean there are fewer instructors available in frontline squadrons to help mature new aviators, and fewer experienced combat advisors that can be detailed to the staffs of combatant commanders, further degrading the overall force’s capability. Many studies have shown that more experienced pilots have a far better survival rate in combat, meaning less attrition in wartime of aviators and aircraft, Penney noted.

A major part of the Air Force’s problem, she said, is that there are not enough aircraft available for combat pilots to train on. Simulators are helpful and allow rehearsals of techniques that the Air Force doesn’t want to expose in open flight, but there also aren’t enough simulators to provide the necessary experience, and they are not yet good enough to season pilots in the basics of operating around airfields, in weather, and in dealing with the unexpected.

The Air Force is seeing low numbers in its Ready Aircrew Program, which gauges whether a squadron is qualified to go to war, she said. The RAP looks at on numbers of pilots in a squadron, the ratio of experienced to inexperienced pilots, the number of simulators available, and the number of flying hours and sorties the unit can generate per month. Fewer experienced pilots and less of everything else mean delays in upgrading junior aviators.  

Retired Lt. Gen. Joseph Guastella, former deputy chief of staff for operations, said he is worried that the U.S. is losing its long-standing advantages of superior aircraft and more experienced pilots.

“Boy, are we in a world of hurt right now,” Guastella said. “Our advantage … against China is greatly diminished. They’re at peer levels with us, in some cases out-reaching us with some of their ordinance. And then, how is our experience ratio? When I hear Chinese fifth-generation pilots are flying many more sorties per month than we are, I’m absolutely astonished that we’ve gotten to this state, and so, experience matters. We’ve learned it in lower end combat of the last 20 years. Certainly we’ve learned it in the big wars of the past, but I don’t want to learn it again the hard way in a full-on campaign.”

The decline in pilot production has tracked the decline in airframes and the degradation of mission capable rates, a product of reduced spending on spares and weapon system sustainment, Penney said. Recapitalizing aircraft “on a one-for-one basis” is necessary to provide enough cockpits for sustainable pilot production, she said. If there aren’t going to be enough F-35s bought per year, then the Air Force should consider buying new versions of the F-16 and or more F-15EXs, she said.

A U.S. Air Force F-35A Lightning II pilot assigned to the 134th Expeditionary Fighter Squadron waves after arriving at Kadena Air Base, Japan, Jan. 13, 2025. The transition to more capable aircraft at Kadena exemplifies the Department of Defense’s continued commitment to enhancing posture while building on the strong foundation of the U.S.-Japan alliance. (U.S. Air Force photo by Senior Airman Tylir Meyer)

In order to sustain the experience levels the Air Force has—and have enough seasoned pilots to train younger aviators—the Air Force should also “preserve and grow the number of Reserve Component fighter squadrons and increase the number of fighters assigned,” Penney said. Because of a lack of airframes, though, some units are at risk of being shut down and replaced with non-flying missions.

The Air Force should reverse that course, she said, and ensure that the Reserve component has the same aircraft flown by the Active duty force, which would also allow younger, greener pilots to team with well-seasoned Guard and Reserve pilots and gain experience.

Retired Lt. Gen. Mark Sasseville, former vice chief of the National Guard Bureau, said the Air Force should try harder to retain, on a part-time basis, the pilot experience that is increasingly leaving the force to pursue more lucrative work with the airlines.

The Guard and Reserve have been used more operationally than as a Reserve force in the last decades, Sasseville said, but many pilots like himself wanted to “leave the Active component just to slow down their tempo for their families and still contribute.”

Being a Reserve fighter pilot while maintaining an airline pilot job could be “the best of both worlds,” he said, allowing him to “keep his skills sharp” without an inordinate amount of “repetition” flying on basics.

The Air Force should accept “the reality that we’re not going to be able to compete” with the airlines in terms of compensation or disruption of family life.

“We have to have an approach that accommodates both needs in this fight for human talent,” he said, noting that several years ago the Air Force “took a stab at trying to work with some airlines to figure out how to do that exactly. How do we share the resource?”

Doing so would not only keep the raw number of pilots higher, it would also enhance the Total Force’s experience.

“I think that that’s something that we need to look at quite rigorously in order to augment what we’re talking about here, which is, keeping experience in the Reserve component,” Sasseville said.

The paper also recommends the Air Force ensure its combat simulators are plugged into the Joint Simulation Environment, and that pilot at all squadrons can connect with it and train with it daily. This will ensure that pilots can practice high-end threat scenarios that USAF’s ranges either can’t simulate or which shouldn’t be exposed in live flight.

The Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division’s Joint Simulation Environment is a hyper-realistic digital range that consists of F-35 Lightning, F-22 Raptor, and adversary cockpits, 4K projectors that stretch nearly 360 degrees around pilots, as well as aircraft software that enable pilots to fly wartime scenarios in a near-exact virtual battlespace. U.S. Navy photo by Terri Thomas

“Pilots need experience in scenarios that stress their abilities within the safety of simulation so they can expand their skillsets and strengthen their cognition,” Penney said.

Both Air Combat Command and Air Education and Training Command have taken steps to address the speed of pilot training in the last three years, but so far, these haven’t produced the increase in numbers the Air Force is looking for.

“I think the service definitely understands the number of pilots they need to produce,” Penney said. “The Air Force has been fiscally constrained for 30 years, so they’ve rightfully tried to prioritize their combat systems, which means they’ve had to take risk in the pilot training enterprise.” Innovative approaches show “they’re doing everything they can to produce as many pilots as they can” at the necessary quality, she said.

“The challenge is, that even if those even if those investments and those innovations are perfect and can meet the number necessary … you have to train them through the fighter units. You have to be able to then absorb and experience them in the operational squadrons,” Penney said.

The answer, Penney argued, is retaining existing experience—and that comes down to force size.

“I think ultimately, it all comes down to, the Air Force has gotten too small for everything that our nation is asking of it, and the only way to be able to retain pilots across the total force is to grow combat capacity; provide them the training and the readiness” that will allow pilots to do the flying they joined to do, “so that they can get more events … and we’re not burning them out.”

The “only way to fix the force,” she said, “is to grow.”

‘Even Better’: How Guardians Stopped Iran’s  Second Missile Barrage

‘Even Better’: How Guardians Stopped Iran’s Second Missile Barrage

This is the second in a two-part series on the Space Force’s response to Iran’s twin attempts to attack Israel in 2024. Part 1 is available here.

Space Force leaders took stock after Iran’s failed attack on Israel in April 2024. USSF Guardians had ben the America’s first line of defense when Iran launched some 300 missiles and drones at Israel earlier that month. Their warnings tipped off the attack and helped ensure minimal damage and no fatalities. 

Yet there was still room for improvement.

“Every second counts when you’re trying to avoid getting hit by missiles,” said Col. Ernest “Bobby” Schmitt, commander of Mission Delta 4. So Guardians set to work, using takeaways to build new and enhanced training scenarios, upgrading software for more rapid effectiveness.

So when Iran attacked again on Oct. 1, sending a new barrage of 200 ballistic missiles—the largest ballistic missile attack in history—Guardians were more than ready.

“First time, we did well; second time, we did even better,” said one major, the division chief for current operations at Space Delta 5. “We had a far better data fidelity rate. We had a lot better warning times. We just—we worked better.” 

Air & Space Forces Magazine spoke exclusively with the major and other Guardians who took part in the response, gaining insight into the little-understood role the Space Force’s missile warning and alert role. Some Guardians’ names and details are withheld here for security and classification reasons. 

“There are always things to improve,” said a Space Force 1st lieutenant, a crew commander with the 11th Space Warning Squadron. “The whole point is to always become better as a unit, become better as a team. Some things that we did exceptionally well: communication, and everyone understanding the roles and responsibilities. I can’t really point to anything that went poorly. … I mean, we killed it. We killed it.” 

A comprehensive look at the April attack and a push to better prepare Guardians for more and more of these large-scale attacks got the Space Force to that point, Schmitt said. “Between April and October, in our internal discussions, as we went through the debrief process and internal things we can improve, I think it became very clear that [large-scale multi-missile attacks] was what we could expect going forward—that kind of volume and timing.”

Guardians needed to adjust to working through such scenarios—and the April attack provided a blueprint, said a sergeant who, as part of the 2nd Space Warning Squadron, was on the ops floor for the first attack. 

“What Iran showed in the aggression in April really showed how they operate,” he said. “So we were able to take that data and build new training based around [those insights].”

The unit’s mission planning cell defined tactics, techniques, and procedures to handle the mass of missiles and “to do it more efficiently.” 

Unit Rotations

The Space Force transitioned to its new force generation model around that same time. The goal of the model, dubbed SPAFORGEN, is to create predictable cycles for Guardians that ensure dedicated time for day-to-day ops and dedicated time for training—specifically for facing the kinds of complex scenarios that occurred Oct. 1. 

“The squadrons use the training tools they have to go build simulations … and to be able to put the crews through it,” Schmitt said. “The crews go in, they mission plan, they get the intelligence that is part of the scenario. They run through these types of scenarios. … SPAFORGEN has given us an opportunity that we never had before.” 

The 11th Space Warning Squadron was also able to pick up tips from the 2nd Space Warning Squadron, Guardians said, which introduced new tactics and techniques that operators put to use on the floor in October. 

“That feeling of preparedness is a result of hard work and training day in and day out,” the first lieutenant said. “So when I looked around on Oct. 1 and I looked at my team as their crew commander—the leader of the team—I knew that we were ready. A lot of waiting, a little bit anxious. But it was good. It was good. It’s not like we were nervous because something bad was going to happen.” 

At the Combined Space Operations Center, where Guardians receive data from missile warning and feed it to troops in danger, Delta 5 was likewise ready, said the major. 

Multinational space operators work together in the Combined Space Operations Center (CSPOC) at Vandenberg AFB, Calif. U.S. Space Force Photo by Tech. Sgt. JT Armstrong

“We had done so much preparation and so many practices and so many exercises that by the time the event happened—I wouldn’t say, we were over-prepared, but it was almost rote for us,” he said. “It was just everything working exactly as it should.” 

During training, both the missile warning and command and control elements identified areas for improvement. Schmitt declined to elaborate, but he and senior enlisted leader Chief Master Sgt. Kyle Mullen noted that the team found ways to “surge” coverage without requiring additional personnel. 

“The whole name of the game for us is readiness,” said Mullen. “We have a laser focus on how ready should we be, need to be, and exercise that on a routine basis. So … if it’s a slow day, they are still practicing, refining, debriefing, talking about upcoming things, what could be happening. Intel-threat-informed, warfighting-type decisions need to be made in case that day comes again.” 

At the CSpOC, aster communication was the key: “Basically cutting out anything that wasn’t necessary for that sort of situation,” the major said. “Anyone who’s worked these kinds of operations knows it’s usually very script-driven. You’re trying to follow the procedure, make sure you don’t miss anything. But when a barrage happens, you don’t have time to process the script as it is. We came up with some truncated reporting that got just that critical information to exactly the right people.” 

Smoothing information flow was also crucial. At the CSpOC, “data is a choke point,” the major said. “We essentially got rid of a couple of those choke points so that we could have far more events recorded, not only by our people, but also by our data systems that are reviewing everything.”  

Software updates to enhance data presentation also helped. Software updates can take years between refreshes, but Delta 4 and others have become “Integrated Mission Deltas,” which combine sustainment and intelligence, shortening those cycles. Delta 4 had not made that switch by October, but Schmitt praised Space Systems Command for “bending over backwards” to get software improvements fielded in the wake of the April events.  

When the second barrage came in October, the new training, processes, and software were ready, fueling a quiet confidence on the ops floor for the 11th Space Warning Squadron. 

“You could have heard a needle drop on the ops floor,” the first lieutenant said. “Just the focus, a focus like you’ve never seen before.” 

Unlike the first attack, the October barrage consisted almost entirely of ballistic missiles, launched from multiple locations. The result, however, was mostly the same—limited damage and no U.S. casualties. And Schmitt noted that the Space Force’s role went beyond just warning people to get out of the way. 

“It’s not just about duck and cover. It’s about defenses as well, and the more time they have to respond, the more effective they’re going to be,” he said. The Space Force transmits its data to ops centers around the globe and in theater, and those centers can task forces to take out the threat. 

In October, the U.S. Navy fired off a dozen interceptors from ships in the Mediterranean Sea, while Israel and Jordan intercepted others. According to media reports, only one person was killed by the strikes, and most of the missiles were intercepted.

“As soon as it ended, I just remember sitting there and just being proud,” the first lieutenant said. “It’s hard to describe, but I was proud, because you and a team of people that you’ve been working with and training with are putting in countless hours for something like this to happen. You hope it never does, but when it does, it feels like your hard work paid off.”

A few weeks later, Delta 4 was recognized for their efforts by the Air Force Historical Foundation, which selected Delta 4 for the Gen. James H. “Jimmy” Doolittle Award, given to a unit for accomplishing its mission with aplomb while under difficult and hazardous conditions in multiple conflicts.

The Doolittle Award had gone exclusively to Air Force commands until then. Delta 4 is the first Space Force unit ever to win the award.

Part 1, “First Warning: How Guardians Sparked Fight to Defeat Iran’s Missiles,” is available here.

Air Force to Conduct Deportation Flights for Thousands of People

Air Force to Conduct Deportation Flights for Thousands of People

The Pentagon plans to use U.S. Air Force C-17s and C-130s to deport 5,400 people currently detained by Customs and Border Protection, officials announced Jan. 22, the first act in President Donald Trump’s sweeping promise to crack down on immigrants in the country illegally and increase border security.

And that may not be the end of the Air Force’s role in implementing the new administration’s policy to more tightly control the border. 

“Right now, we also anticipate that there could be some additional airborne intelligence surveillance support assets that would move down to the border to increase situational awareness,” a senior military official told reporters. 

Acting Secretary of Defense Robert Salesses said in a statement that 1,500 Active-Duty troops are being sent to the southern border to take “complete operational control of the southern border of the United States.” Ultimately, as many as 10,000 could be deployed, the senior military official added.

“This is just the beginning,” Salesses’ statement noted.

The deportation flights will be carried out using two USAF C-17s and two C-130s, according to the Pentagon. Those aircraft, along with their aircrew and a handful of other personnel, will deploy to San Diego, Calif., and El Paso, Texas. C-17s from Travis Air Force Base, Calif. have already landed in El Paso and San Diego, people familiar with the matter told Air & Space Forces Magazine, a development confirmed by open source flight tracking data. Officials are still unclear where the thousands of people will be deported to, the Pentagon said.

“The State Department has the decision-making and has the relationships that they’re working with those countries that will ultimately be the source … to where these flights are going,” a senior defense official said.

The Pentagon said that the Department of Homeland Security would provide “inflight law enforcement,” not military personnel.

If additional airborne assets are deployed for surveillance along the border, they will be drawn from a variety of services and not just the Air Force, U.S. officials said. “This will be multi-service,” the senior military official said.  

“Tactical UAS” could be used to “provide localized intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance in their particular area” and Army MQ-1 and Air Force MQ-9 drones could be deployed as well. Crewed surveillance aircraft are also an option under consideration.

“You have manned platforms that could fly in support as well—so that is still not fully decided yet,” the senior military official said.

The 1,500 troops that are being sent include 1,000 Soldiers and 500 Marines. They are joining some 2,500 service members already deployed to the southern border.

“These forces will work on the emplacement of physical barriers and other border missions,” the senior military official said of the new deployments. “First operations for them should commence within the next 24 to 48 hours. They’re moving right now as we sit here.” 

UH-72 Lakota helicopters, in fact, have already started flying missions.

The operation will be led by U.S. Northern Command, which Trump charged to “seal the borders” by “repelling forms of invasion” in a Jan. 20 executive order.

U.S. troops are prohibited from performing law enforcement duties under the Posse Comitatus Act. But Trump said in his executive order that their use is justified because he has declared a border emergency to stop “forms of invasion including unlawful mass migration, narcotics trafficking, human smuggling and trafficking, and other criminal activities.”

Trump has directed that the heads of the Pentagon and Department of Homeland Security report back within 90 days on whether they think the 1807 Insurrection Act should be invoked, under which U.S. troops could be used to put down domestic violence.

Money-Saving Microvanes Inch Closer to Fleetwide C-17 Use

Money-Saving Microvanes Inch Closer to Fleetwide C-17 Use

Small new devices meant to save money spent on gas by reducing aerodynamic drag are inching closer to fleetwide adoption for the Air Force’s 222 C-17 transport jets.

Microvanes are 3D-printed out of composite materials into thin blades about 16 inches long. When attached to the rear exterior of the C-17 fuselage, microvanes reduce drag, and thereby fuel consumption, by 1 percent compared to unmodified C-17s. 

Though 1 percent may not sound like much, the Air Force said it will save up to $14 million annually over the frequent flights C-17s take around the world.

“Every gallon of fuel saved strengthens our readiness and operational effectiveness,” Roberto Guerrero, deputy assistant secretary of the Air Force for operational energy, safety, and occupational health, said in a Jan. 14 press release. “By adding modern technology like microvanes to our legacy aircraft, we’re saving millions in fuel costs and building capability critical for maintaining our competitive edge in the era of great power competition.”

microvanes
The drag reduction devices known as microvanes are shown on the aft-end of a C-17 Globemaster III at Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Washington. U.S. Air Force photo.

The Air Force Research Laboratory (AFRL) has been working on the technology as far back as 2014. In 2021, the Department of Defense awarded a contract to Metro Aerospace, which holds the license to Lockheed Martin’s patent on the technology, to explore putting microvanes on Air Force C-130s and “help validate drag-reduction concepts that can be developed and applied to commercial aircraft, other aircraft such as the C-17, KC-135, and future vertical lift.” An official said at the time that the microvanes had cost about $5 million to develop.

Cargo planes often have high drag where the fuselage sweeps upward to accommodate a rear cargo door. Reducing that drag means transports can carry troops, equipment, and supplies to farther flung operations.

“It’s about ensuring that we remain agile and capable in a rapidly evolving global environment,” Guerrero said. “What’s more, through recent legislation, we can use the savings realized by this technology to fund other initiatives that increase combat capability.”

In 2022, AFRL and the Air Force Life Cycle Management Center were in the process of certifying the microvanes for airworthiness. The next year saw the start of final flight-testing, including air refueling and assault strip operations, where C-17s land on shorter, narrower runways to simulate combat landings.

Now, Air Force Operational Energy and Air Mobility Command “are entering the final phase of evaluation” according to the release. The C-17 used in testing is assigned to Stewart Air National Guard Base, N.Y. Lt. Col. Eric Durkins, commander of the 105th Aircraft Maintenance Squadron at Stewart, said the aircraft “has supported our worldwide missions now for over a year without an issue[.]”

c-17 microvanes
A C-17 Globemaster III with microvanes successfully installed waits on the flight line at Stewart Air National Guard Base. (U.S. Air Force photo)

Six C-17s are modified with microvanes, with two more expected to receive them at Joint Base Charleston, S.C., this month. That will kick off a six-month logistics service assessment, which the release said is the final step before fleetwide fielding.

Microvanes complement a wider Air Force effort to make its energy use more efficient. The branch’s 2023 Climate Campaign Plan called for using drag reduction, enhanced engine sustainment practices, and other tools to boost its “lethality per gallon,” i.e., the number of test events, weapons released, or other objectives accomplished per gallon of gas or other energy metric. 

The plan aims to make operational energy usage for Air Force flying missions 5 percent more efficient by fiscal year 2027 and 7.5 percent by 2032. The service is also testing out a more efficient blended wing body prototype for possible future air lifters and looking into microgrids and small nuclear reactors to make its bases less reliant on nearby grids in times of crisis.

First Warning: How Guardians Sparked Fight to Defeat Iran’s Missiles

First Warning: How Guardians Sparked Fight to Defeat Iran’s Missiles

This is the first in a two-part series on the role of the Space Force in responding to Iran’s attacks on Israel in 2024. Part 2 will run later this week.

When missiles are detected putting U.S. or allies at risk, alarms ring out, sending Space Force Guardians scrambling to calculate trajectories and potential impact areas and to determine if any U.S. or allied assets are at risk. Within minutes, if not seconds, they share those alerts.  

Those alert tones rang out fast and furious on April 13, 2024, when Iran launched some 300 ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and one-way attack drones toward Israel, more than 1,000 miles to its west. 

To Mission Delta 4 commander Col. Ernest “Bobby” Schmitt, the picture of what they were seeing that night is as clear as day: “‘Bing, bing, bing, bing,’ just constant missiles populating on their screens,” he said. 

Schmitt wasn’t on the ops floor that night, but he was among the Guardians made available to Air & Space Forces Magazine to discuss their missile detection and warning operations in April and October, when Iran launched missile barrages at Israel. Their work helped nullify both attacks, and their names and some details are being withheld here to protect security and classification concerns. 

“It’s three dings,” the division chief for current operations for Space Delta 5 said. “So you hear ‘Ding, ding, ding’ and then it tells you what’s going on. But it’s the kind of thing that once you’ve heard it 300 times, it’ll give you nightmares for the rest of your life. It just keeps playing.” 

Each set of “dings” starts a process of calculations, data validation, and passing information along. Crews of a half-dozen or so Guardians work together on each track—and they have to work fast. 

“It gets loud, but you know who you’re listening for,” a sergeant with the 2nd Space Warning Squadron said. “So we have two crew chiefs … and then we have two junior enlisted who are like the data processors, and so they’re communicating to us what they’re seeing, and then the crew chiefs are shouting out, like, for example, ‘I agree with that, we’re good to go.’ And then we have one person who’s kind of bouncing around between the crew chiefs who is making sure that everyone’s on the same page.” 

Thousands of miles away, their work was being translated for U.S., Israeli, and allied interceptors and aircraft that intercepted most of the incoming missiles and drones, minimizing casualties and damage.

The military response was widely reported at the time, and later, focusing largely on the heroics of air crew who flew into the teeth of the attack. But the Space Force’s role was largely shrouded in secrecy—until now. 

“The scale of missile attacks we have been seeing over the past couple of years is rapidly changing,” Lt. Gen. Douglas A. Schiess, commander of Space Forces-Space, said in an October statement. “We are no longer experiencing missile defense as a singular engagement but need to be prepared to provide tracking and warning of multiple missiles being shot simultaneously, as was made evident during Iran’s recent missile strike. Our Guardians, joint and coalition operators have demonstrated their expertise in this, and are able to send missile warning notifications in a matter of minutes to help protect our Allies and Partners in times of crisis.” 

Space-based missile warning dates back to the Defense Support Program in the 1970s, but capabilities continue to advance as the Space Force expands its capability with new satellites in all orbits

Space Operations Command’s Mission Delta 4 uses DSP and Space-Based Infrared System satellites for missile warning, along with the ground-based Upgraded Early Warning Radar and the Long-Range Discrimination Radar. With crews scattered across the country and overseas, in the United Kingdom and Greenland, the Delta combines the feeds from those systems to identify and track threats.  

Radomes provide strategic and theater missile warning for the United States and its international allies, at Buckley Space Force Base, Colo., March 14, 2023. Space Delta 4, the missile warning Delta, contributes to missile defense, space domain awareness, battlespace awareness and technical intelligence missions in support of combatant commanders. U.S. Space Force photo by Senior Airman Danielle McBride

Delta 4 operates 24/7/365 to ensure no missile launch ever catches the U.S. by surprise. Yet tedious as such a constant watch might seem, Guardians never relax, said a first lieutenant with the 11th Space Warning Squadron. 

“You’d think that would be the case, where you’re worried about people losing their focus and whatnot,” said the lieutenant, who was part of the crew that responded to the October attack. “But I think we realize as a unit how big of an impact we have and how important we are to the mission, that in a way, it’s hard to lose focus.” 

Missile launches are most typically singular events. But since January 2020, when Iran launched more than a dozen ballistic missiles at U.S. forces at Al Asad Air Base in Iraq, the Space Force has faced increasing numbers of missile traces at once.

At the time of the April 13 attack, it was “unprecedented as far as the volume and scope and time constraints,” Schmidt said—some 30 cruise missiles and 120 ballistic missiles, in addition to 170 drones. 

On the floor, operators knew something was coming. Iran had promised retaliation after an Israeli airstrike in Syria, but its timing was not clear. 

“It kind of came on gradually,” said the sergeant from the 2nd SWS. “We saw what was happening from the first launch. It was just like, ‘All right, focus up everyone! Let’s get it done!’ And then, as it just kept growing and growing, we just had to really revert back to the basics of our training and just really focus in.” 

The duty crew that day was newly formed for a new force-generation cycle, so they were still getting to know each other. 

“There’s a lot more communication when you’re trying to find that chemistry, you’re pretty much saying every single thing you’re doing,” the sergeant said. “On a crew that I work with for a year, I already know, without them saying, what my counterpart is doing. Whereas now, with the new crew, it’s like, I’m going to voice what I would normally do, they’ll voice what they normally do, and then we can kind of get into the flow of things.” 

Time raced by. The process for tracking missiles is the same no matter what the volume of incoming looks like, said Mission Delta 4’s senior enlisted leader, Chief Master Sgt. Kyle Mullen. 

“They will be monitoring, and then they will get alerted with an audible [sound] that something is happening or that something looks like a missile,” Mullen said. “And so what they’ll do is, … check its trajectory, check to see what profile it’s building out. We have a two-person verification [team] so you’ve got somebody right there beside them, another experienced operator who’s like, ‘Yes, I see it. It’s going to this area.’” 

Then they notify the Combined Space Operations Center. 

“The first thing we’re looking at is, which sites are in the risk area,” said the Delta 5 division chief, a major. “Next thing is, do we have any personnel, naval vessels, anything else out there we need to do as a secondary, immediate communication. And then the third piece is looking at the overall status of data coming out.” 

Because the CSpOC is responsible for notifying U.S. and allied assets if they are in harm’s way, phone calls and notifications flew—“sheer chaos,” the major recalled. While the missiles were meant for Israel, U.S. assets in the region were in their path, so troops were scrambling to safety. 

The danger wasn’t a direct threat to the Guardians, but to air and ground crew half-way around the world. The Guardians just knew the quality and speed of their warnings was making a difference.  

“As you’ve worked it more and more, the concern [is] for what’s happening for people in the region, right?” the Delta 5 major said. “Because every missile has the potential for a loss of life.” 

But operators thousands of miles away were picking up their cues, heading into the fight, and in the end, 98 percent of the weapons hurled toward Israel were shot down, intercepted, or landed without effect.

Back in their operations centers, the crews came off their shifts and started to realize the enormity of what they’d just experienced. That night and in the days following, they saw news reports about the attacks, and took satisfaction in the fact that there were no U.S. casualties and minimal damage in Israel. 

“Sometimes you don’t see the effect that you have when you’re sitting in the chair, but seeing the impact afterwards is surreal,” said the 2nd SWS sergeant. “I had a friend that was deployed in the CENTCOM [area of responsibility] at the time, and just talking to him the next day, ‘You good? Everything good?  How are you doing?’ Stuff like that…” 

Meanwhile, Space Force leaders were already drawing lessons from the fight. Looking at Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, officials knew missile barrages were becoming more and more common. With their newfound firsthand experience, Guardians set to work training for what Schmitt called the “new normal.”

Six months later, in April 2024, they would get another chance to put that training to the test.

Part 2 of this series will publish later this week.

Learn to Accelerate Software Delivery at Prodacity 2025

Learn to Accelerate Software Delivery at Prodacity 2025

In a modern, connected military, software is crucial to every step of every operation, from planning to coordination and logistics to target engagement. But as threats and requirements change, software needs to change too. If requirements change faster than developers can deploy new code, the entire system can break down. 

Rise8, a Service-Disabled Veteran-Owned Small Business (SDVOSB), was founded to change that paradigm.

Founder and CEO Bryon Kroger, a U.S. Air Force Veteran, is spearheading initiatives to deliver software solutions up to 25 times faster than traditional methods. Rise8’s approach aims to overcome the bureaucratic delays and cumbersome process hurdles that hamper conventional software development contracts. 

“We’re really focused on the mission first,” said Kroger at AFA’s Air, Space & Cyber Conference in September. “What are these Airmen and Guardians actually trying to do? Then we work backwards from that.” 

Continuously delivering software updates enables Airmen and Guardians to provide real-time feedback to developers, allowing a continuous conversation that Kroger says is key to creating software that genuinely serves the needs of the Service Members employing those tools in the field.

Rise8 achieves faster delivery by establishing a continuous path between the developers and the production environment—regardless of classification levels. Software is developed, tested, and deployed into operational use continuously and without delay, achieving Continuous Authority to Operate (cATO) after obtaining the initial Authorization to Operate (ATO). As an output of the Risk Management Framework, an ATO is a formal declaration that a system meets the necessary security and privacy standards for deployment on a network.

Under legacy approaches, the exercise repeats for major updates or when the authorization expires, adding weeks, months, or even years between the time a requirement is established, and a software solution obtains an ATO to deploy. By integrating development, security, testing, and operations, however, Rise8 can “ship” new code into production in hours or even minutes, enabling continuous, rapid improvement through a direct feedback loop with users. 

“That gives you the feedback that you need to create beautifully designed software for Airmen and Guardians,” Kroger said.

Modernizing software is only part of the solution. To make rapid modernization possible, Kroger said, one must take the time to understand the bureaucracy and processes that slow software development. 

“Just like computer systems, you can’t hack a system you don’t understand,” Kroger explained. “Take the time to understand the bureaucracy … It’s really figuring out how to navigate that.” 

Just as an “ethical hacker” must understand a system’s flaws to identify and eliminate them, Kroger has found that learning the software acquisition system inside and out has proven invaluable in seeing how to use it to deliver effective software more quickly. 

David Anderson, author of The Flywheel Effect, speaks about a “serverless-first” mindset and its flywheel effect on modernization at Rise8’s Prodacity event at the Hamilton Hotel in Washington, D.C. in November 2023. CREDIT: Alyssa Schukar for Rise8

Rise8’s agile software development approach is like the processes used by modern commercial software developers but adapted to provide the assurance needed for secure, sensitive government applications. Yet overcoming entrenched approaches is never easy, especially for users who have been told in the past that rapid development is not possible in the government context. 

To help potential customers understand how that can be achieved, Kroger created Prodacity for the GovTech community where air, space, and other military and government professionals can learn from tested playbooks, real-world solutions, and a relentless commitment to action inside cautious, slow-moving organizations—without sales pitches and related theatrics.

Prodacity will bring together program managers, contracting specialists, CTOs, and CIOs from the Air Force, Space Force, and other Federal agencies, along with established systems integrators, to learn the modern alternative techniques to accelerating software development—without compromising security, reliability, or anything else. 

Prodacity will expose participants to the secrets of rapid and continuous software development, deployment, and improvement in high-stakes environments, according to Rise8. 

“Our purpose is to make the world work better,” Kroger said. “We envision a future where fewer bad things happen because of bad software.” And where good things happen continuously because users who know their field best are tightly integrated into the process of making software more efficient, useful, and effective every day.

New Report: To Fix Deterrence, Rethink Goldwater-Nichols and Boost the Budget

New Report: To Fix Deterrence, Rethink Goldwater-Nichols and Boost the Budget

“Unintended consequences” from the 1986 Goldwater-Nichols Act and lagging defense spending have weakened America’s ability to deter its adversaries and need to be addressed, researchers with AFA’s Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies argue in a new paper.

“U.S. deterrence is wavering,” Mitchell Institute Dean retired Lt. Gen. David Deptula warned in a Jan. 21 event rolling out the paper.

China’s military growth, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, North Korea’s and Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons and Iran’s support of terrorism “reflect critical gaps in America’s military to deter assaults on U.S. vital interests,” Deptula added.

Retired Gen. T. Michael Moseley, former Air Force chief of staff; retired Maj. Gen. Larry Stutzreim, Mitchell’s director of research; and Richard B. Andres, a non-resident senior fellow at Mitchell, co-authored the new report, which recommends significant growth in defense spending better matched to the threat, and reforms to restore “competition” between the services and in industry, the authors said.

The paper also calls for a “new NSC-68″—a reference to the then-secret policy paper drawn up by Paul Nitze in 1950, which called for sharply increased defense spending, development of new nuclear weapons, containment of the Soviet Union and preparations for economic and strategic conflict.

“Today, we need an NSC-68 level of reform that guides whole-of-government action to avert a third World War, [and] to present the flight plan necessary for effective defense reform,” Deptula argued.

Goldwater-Nichols was designed to streamline the chain of command, removing the service chiefs and the chairman of the joint chiefs and focusing instead on the regional combatant commanders, with the intention of curbing inter-service rivalry and ensuring unified command of disparate forces. The chairman now has an advisory function, and the COCOMs focus on short-term operations, not long-range readiness. The law was prompted by a lack of service cooperation leading to failure in the 1980 Iran hostage mission and a poorly coordinated invasion of Grenada in 1983.

Yet, based on the written works and testimony of various national security leaders over the last two decades, the Mitchell analysts concluded that Goldwater-Nichols has had “unintended consequences” that are “at the heart of the challenges we face today.”

At the time, Andres said, it was “a necessary and even overdue reform,” because it tackled the problems of “inter-service rivalry and strengthened joint operations.”

But a lack of competition between services for who can best accomplish a mission has led to slow capability development, as has consolidation of the defense industry from a hundred large suppliers to just five, he said. And by removing the service chiefs from the chain of command, “no one … had both the authority and the incentive to focus on long-term defense planning: the kind you need to deter Russia and China.”

The combatant commanders couldn’t perform this role usefully, he said, because they cycle through their jobs in just two years. Moreover, the COCOMs tend to focus on their own theater problems and not on integrated approaches to global deterrence, the authors said.

Worse, while the 2018 National Defense Strategy assumed the military needed to be able to fight just one major war—and that adversaries would not collaborate—the opponents have “exploit” this flawed thinking, Andres said.

This “isn’t just our assessment,” Andres said. “This is what the bipartisan Congressional Commission on the National Defense Strategy found last year.” War with China is “a real possibility” if “our military no longer possesses the capability or the capacity to uphold our security commitments, and if deterrence collapses.”

Budget

Moseley said the baseline share of gross domestic product for defense is now about three percent, factoring in inflation, but ought to have a floor of five to six percent.

“The beauty of a floor also gets you around the notion of supplementals, [and] of contingency funding, because all that has historically come out of the cuts that each of the services gets,” he said. A level of six percent is needed because “you’ve got to make up for that lost time.”

In the 2000s, the Navy and the Air Force budgets took hits as the Pentagon focused its resources on Afghanistan and Iraq. Because of that, the Air Force was “forced to eat our own seed corn as far as the investment accounts,” Moseley said.

Critical programs like air refueling and the F-22 were gutted, he noted, forcing the Air Force to do things like keep flying the Eisenhower-era KC-135.

Further delay will mean the only solution to replacing obsolete gear is “to buy your way out of it. It’s going to be more expensive. I would suggest that we’re probably there right now in the Air Force,” Moseley said.

The issue is only growing more acute—Moseley noted that while Air Force leaders are still undecided on the future of the Next-Generation Air Dominance fighter, China has flown several new experimental models in recent weeks.

Reforms

Extra money won’t help, though, without new structure and rules to govern its use, Moseley said, likening it to filing a bucket with holes in the bottom; the “holes” being “bureaucracy and the organizational failures. You need to fix the structure, acquisition, contracting, planning, long range planning, etc., and then address the money. Otherwise you’re just going to waste money.”

The needed change would replicate NSC-68 by approaching U.S. national security with a ‘whole of government’ approach, one that includes the Department of Defense, but also “Commerce, Treasury, Homeland Security, Justice, etc.,” said Moseley. “And then you back that up with a change of the bureaucracy and get at this massive amount of waste and drag.”

Moseley said he is not worried about changes to Goldwater-Nichols resulting in a return of service infighting. The military, he said, has had 40 years of a “joint” culture and professional military training reinforcing it.

Asked what steps the reforms should take, Andres said “you’ve got to get the President to ask Congress to take action,” and for Congress to do that “quickly, because we don’t have a long clock on this.”

The paper, he said, “does not go into the specifics of this, but we need reform … or something completely different. But the first action is going to be the President calling on Congress, and it needs to be bipartisan. This is a bipartisan issue. We’ve seen a lot of the same things coming out of both sides of the political spectrum now in terms of what we need to do.”

Andres said the “window is closing” on America’s deterrence credibility.

“Without action, the U.S. faces ether strategic defeat or a catastrophic war. Reform is not optional; it is essential for national security and global stability.”

The paper recommends:

  1. An NSC-68-style review which realigns defense strategy with modern threats, taking into account an “all-of-government” approach.
  2. Reform or replace Goldwater-Nichols, restoring the service Chiefs to the chain of  command and reducing bureaucratic inefficiencies.
  3. Raise the defense budget to between five and six percent of GDP to rapidly fund modernization—both capability and capacity—and restore a force-sizing construct that the U.S. military be able to handle two major theater wars. Space and cyber forces also need strengthening.
  4. Invest according to “cost effective warfighting capabilities,” using the “cost per effect” methodology. Conduct a roles and missions review to “determine the most cost-effective service investments.” Shift counterinsurgency investments to high-end warfare capabilities.