Meeting the Software Challenge: Acquisition Reform Brings Its Own Complications

Meeting the Software Challenge: Acquisition Reform Brings Its Own Complications

Editor’s Note: This is the final episode in a three-part series exploring the opportunities and challenges facing the Trump administration’s changes to how the Pentagon buys software. Part 1 is available here, and Part 2 is available here.

The new rules for buying software made mandatory by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s March 6 memo are designed to strip away constraints on how the DOD and the military services contract with private sector companies, so that they can buy, integrate, and deploy innovative capabilities more quickly.

But critics warn that the Software Acquisition Pathway, by clearing the way for faster, more agile acquisition, also removes safeguards imposed to prevent waste and abuse. In smoothing the path for a new generation of innovative software companies to contract with DOD and “disrupt” the defense industrial base, these critics argue, DOD risks creating a new generation of complacent incumbents.

“The reason why this [software acquisition reform] push is so well-championed by private industry is because it’s a vehicle to move money quickly with very few strings attached,” one recently retired Air Force technology and acquisition leader told Air & Space Forces Magazine. “We have to be careful if we kill off those old kings, that we don’t just replace them with new kings.” 

The retired officer, whose 20-year career included a stint as senior leadership at an Air Force technology accelerator, was granted anonymity because they fear retribution against themselves and their current employer for criticizing an administration policy initiative. 

The software pathway, according to a guide produced by the Defense Acquisition University, frees software buyers from a series of constraints.

Normally, programs with an R&D budget of over $300 million or a total budget of over $1.8 billion are considered Major Defense Acquisition Programs. MDAPs are divided into phases and have to meet certain milestones and report them to Congress before they can move to the next phase. 

Under the pathway, software programs are exempt from the MDAP process, according to the guide.

In return, pathway programs have to provide a minimum viable product—some capability to users in the field—within one year, a breakneck pace for military acquisition. They also have to commit to:

  • Updates once per year or more.
  • Using modern software practices like agile and DevSecOps.
  • Automating their testing and compliance. 

The pathway also frees software programs from the Joint Capabilities Integration and Development System (JCIDS), a process designed to vet requirements across the joint force. 

“Instead of spending years writing detailed requirements and going through a rigid one-size-fits-all process,” a defense official told reporters at a background briefing on the Hegseth memo, “we can tap into the best tech available right now, prototype it fast and get it to the field quickly if it works.”

Another hailed the use of commercial solutions openings in the Replicator program, the Defense Innovation Unit-led effort to build cheap drones, saying they got three vendors on contract in just 110 days from issuing the original “problem statement” to industry.

“That is much faster than the traditional ways of putting out a solicitation and making those awards,” the official said.

The Relevance of Speed

Yet speed is a “dangerous” metric for software acquisition for a number of reasons, said the retired Air Force technology and acquisition leader. 

“Speed is the metric where Silicon Valley measures its success: How fast can we get to market right? In the military it’s different. You can’t go out there with something that’s untested, where you think it’s going to work,” they said.

Moreover, speed as a metric “doesn’t tell you if anyone is actually using this stuff.” More useful metrics, they suggested, would be rates of user adoption and feedback about the user experience.

Ultimately, in the military context, they said, “the metric should be, does it work under fire? Does it have resilience under uncertainty? And if it does, then that’s a good candidate.”

Speed is also a potentially troublesome metric because it lessens focus on oversight, the retired acquisition leader said.

“Moving money and getting on contracts, I won’t lie about that: that’s hard to do, and getting on contract fast is important,” they acknowledged, adding that there are good people working hard in organizations like the Defense Innovation Unit.

But these faster mechanisms—often grouped under the term Other Transaction Authorities, or OTAs—can now be used for full-scale production contracts, not just for developing prototypes. “Hundreds of millions of dollars are going out that door,” the retired official said. 

Maj. Gen. Luke C. G. Cropsey, who heads the Air Force Program Executive Office (PEO) for Command, Control, Communications, and Battle Management (C3BM), has said the service is already using the new authorities foot-stomped by the Hegseth March 6 memo—and he pushed back against the idea that the software pathway stripped away oversight.

“There’s still very much accountability associated with the expenditure of funds,” he said. “The contractor is accountable for delivering on the products.”

A senior defense official told reporters at a background briefing on the Hegseth memo that the ability to move from a prototype OTA contract to a production OTA contract is a “key enabler” for software acquisition, because it means an established weapons program can piggyback a prototype OTA by an innovation lab like DIU and issue a production contract for the technology that prototype has proven out.

“So, that’s a key element of these OTs is that you can prototype an OT and then a completely different organization can drop a production OT on top of that prototype OT,” the official said.

But that flexibility, combined with the low barriers to entry for a DOD marketplace like Tradewinds, the AI contracting clearinghouse run by the office of the Chief Data and Artificial Intelligence Officer (CDAO), could be dangerous, the retired acquisition specialist said.

The net effect, they said, is that companies with no history or demonstrated ability of delivering anything could get put on multimillion dollar, no-compete contracts at the complete discretion of the contracting officer on the basis of “a five-minute pitch video,” which is all it takes to enter the Tradewinds marketplace.

Defense officials told reporters at the background briefing on the Hegseth memo that they’re looking to combat that issue by requiring all OTAs and CSOs over $100 million to be approved by the undersecretary of defense for acquisition and sustainment. 

‘Trilingual’ Expertise 

Other critics are also concerned that the DOD workforce doesn’t have the skills they need to use the Software pathway.

Defense officials on the background briefing said they are moving to address the need for new skills from program managers and procurement officials.

One official said DIU, in partnership with the Defense Acquisition University, is running a training scheme called the Immersive Commercial Acquisition Program (ICAP).  “We’re competitively select top performing contracting officers from across the Department of Defense to come and work with us at DIU and execute DIU service-aligned prototype projects. At the same time, they’re taking DAU courses, so they’re learning the textbook rules [and] regulations on Other Transaction Authority” contracts and other flexible acquisition tools, the official said.

Getting contracting officers into innovative programs is essential to spreading the knowledge of how to buy software better, said Cropsey: “You’ve got to build a pipeline that allows you to bring junior folks into these programs and actually get exposure earlier in their career to how to actually use and implement some of these [new acquisition] mechanisms,” he said.

But just training acquisition professionals to use new tools doesn’t necessarily equip them to buy software, explained Tate Nurkin, an Atlantic Council senior fellow and co-author of the recent report from its Commission on Software-Defined Warfare. 

“We need people who are trilingual,” he told Air & Space Forces Magazine at the report launch. They need to understand and know how to use the new acquisition tools, but they also have to understand the needs of warfighters in the field. Above all, he said, “they need to speak software” to know which questions to ask of contract engineers writing the actual code, Nurkin said.

The challenge, said Dopkeen, is to develop “software literate” acquisition professionals. “You have to develop software people the same way you develop acquisition professionals. You have to take people and you need to put them in good software environments, practicing coding and learning how it done.”

“There isn’t really any substitute for working on a major software project, and preferably more than one, even in a relatively junior capacity” for learning which questions to ask as the manager of such a project, Dopkeen said.

But more important than any training was the issue of cultural change, she said. 

“Data and software are kind of like the backroom at the Defense Department,” she said. “Everyone wants to do things that go ‘boom’ and data and software is an afterthought.”

Trying to get software right in DOD, Dopkeen said, “you always feel like you’re almost a virus that the Pentagon body is fighting against.”

To fix the problem requires overhauling the culture of the military services, she said, giving as an example the way pilots tend to get the top jobs in any Air force program. 

The litmus test, she explained, for predicting the success of the new F-47 fighter, will be “If it has a software person as the program manager and a plane person, a pilot, as their product manager.” 

Beyond Acquisition

Another big issue, Dopkeen said, is that acquisition is not the only problem with the way the military uses software. Indeed, she said, the way the DOD has traditionally treated software is “the opposite of what they should have been doing.”

In commercial enterprise like Google, she said, codebases are not just updated, they are constantly being rewritten, a process called refactoring. “With Google Calendar, for example, they will design that product and let the team work on it for a year and then they’ll tell them to go back and completely rewrite it, design it again with new code, knowing what they do now.”

At DOD, by contrast, the attitude is, “because it works and has been certified, this becomes Holy Code that can never be touched again. And then you build on that for a decade and you end up with spaghetti code that is just a huge mess. And you are left with a huge attack surface,” she said.

DOD Chief Software Officer Rob Vietmeyer recently called these legacy systems “a boat anchor,” a huge drag on the department’s innovation efforts.

And it’s not a problem that can be solved by just changing the way the military buys things, said the retired acquisition leader, because the root causes go way beyond the acquisition system. 

“There’s not really any off-the-shelf software running on DOD networks,” the retired official explained. “Unless you’re an external application, hosted somewhere else, all the software is modified” to meet security and other special requirements for DOD networks. “And that creates a lot of technical debt, because you’re maintaining two different code baselines: One for DOD and one for everyone else.”

In addition, although the pathway mandates the use of agile software development practices, in reality, there were many restrictions on the tools developers can use on military networks. 

“Operating on the military network is really where a lot of the blockers are. The restrictions, the approved tools that you can use, they suck…. That is the main driver on why they can’t push updates.”

They said the focus on acquisition is well-meaning but ultimately inadequate.  

”If you want to move fast, then let’s streamline the process of building software, let’s approve the tools that developers need on these networks. … This is a hard problem to solve, but if you really want to solve it, then you need to look in the right places,” they said.

Part 1 looked at how the Air Force is embracing the new Software Acquisition Pathway. Part 2 probed the origins of the Software Acquisition Pathway as part of an acquisition reform movement in DOD.

Air Force May Restructure Boot Camp to Cut Classroom Instruction, Add More PT

Air Force May Restructure Boot Camp to Cut Classroom Instruction, Add More PT

Air Force training officials are planning changes to Basic Military Training that could take trainees out of the classroom more often to better prepare them for the rigors of modern warfare.

Beginning in the fall, 2nd Air Force Commander Maj. Gen. Wolfe Davidson plans to introduce a new curriculum for boot camp that will focus on training Airmen and Space Force Guardians in much smaller groups, while replacing some classroom instruction with a more hands-on learning approach.

Training officials are also looking at increasing daily physical fitness training and adding exercises designed to mimic combat tasks.

Davidson, who oversees BMT and follow-on technical training, is tailoring the effort to match both Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s directive to restore warrior ethos in the ranks, and the service’s new initiatives to prepare for competition with the likes of China and Russia.

“How do we make sure that Airmen show up with the warrior ethos and understand their role in a high-end fight, not just in a fight, but in a high-end fight. … For us, that starts at Basic Military Training to kind of create the mindset that we would then build throughout technical training, Davidson told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

Trainees assigned to flights 100-103 participate in Mask Confidence Training at the 319th Training Squadron, Joint Base San Antonio-Lackland-Chapman Training Annex, Texas, Dec. 19, 2024. During week four of the Department of the Air Force Basic Military Training, trainees go through an eight-hour Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear Defense Orientation Course.

Davidson said he began to review BMT in August to figure out if it is preparing trainees for the current threat environment and how it fits into new Air Force operational concepts like Agile Combat Employment and Combat Wings.

“Then the new SecDef’s guidance that came out on [warrior ethos] … just really put the fuel behind this as it continues to move ahead,” Davidson said.

Air Force officials have actually been talking about promoting a “warrior” mindset dating back to the mid-2000s, saying then it was to better prepare Airmen to operate in combat zones in Iraq and Afghanistan. 

Over the years, the concept of warrior ethos has been often misunderstood, said Davidson, who comes from a Combat Controller background.

“So people would think you were a warrior because of what you did–so, you know, do you carry a weapon and are you close to the enemy?” Davidson said. “But in actuality, that’s not what we’re trying to create with a warrior ethos. What we’re really trying to create is the understanding of why you do the things that you do. … It doesn’t matter what you do. It matters why you do it, and the reason that you do it is to defeat an adversary.

“So it’s about creating that mindset and changing this concept of, ‘well, I’m not the person pulling the trigger, so I’m not really a warrior,’ to ‘what is it that I do that’s going to contribute to our success’ as that basic guiding principle.”

The Air Force has already rolled out some changes to BMT for “great power competition,” the term officials use to describe a potential fight with China or Russia.

In late July, trainees were issued non-firing, inert M4 carbines to carry throughout BMT to improve weapons proficiency. Senior Air Force officials had intended to transition to actual firing M4s, but Davidson said such a change is likely not necessary since trainees have already shown improvement in their weapons handling skills.

“We are seeing more proficiency with the weapon; they are more comfortable with the weapon,” Davidson said. “Handling that weapon helps you visualize yourself more as a warrior in creating that ethos.”

Then in March, the Air Force extended the 36-hour field exercise at the end of BMT to 57 hours. Primary Agile Combat Employment Range, Forward Operations Readiness Generation Exercise, or PACER FORGE, is designed to simulate how Airmen would deploy in small teams and operate from remote or makeshift air bases to make it more difficult for adversaries to target them.

To expand PACER FORGE, training officials trimmed some BMT training activities such as drill and ceremonies practice and dormitory inspections, Davidson said. “We had to buy those hours,” he said. “We have not extended basic training, and right now, we do not have plans to extend basic training to buy the extra time.” 

The next step, Davidson said, will come with a restructured BMT that’s designed to ensure trainees embrace an “air-minded” focus on how they fit into the broader mission of delivering combat power from a small, remote air base or space base. 

“And this is what is unique about the Air Force, so the Soldiering is in the Army and in the Air Force, it’s about how do you generate that airfield, how do you generate aircraft? How do you get weapons on it and fuel in it, and how do you keep the runway going under attack? How do you defend the perimeter?” Davidson said.

To do that, the new BMT will focus on teaching trainees to operate in “12-15 person teams” instead of “flights” that average about 50 trainees, Davidson said, adding that he also intends to get trainees out of the classroom environment and immerse them into more scenario-based training.

“Some of the courses that we do today are very classroom-based; we’re going to go to a learner-centric model, so much more … experience as a small team experiential learning,” Davidson said. “So learning … the foundational competencies of what it means to be an Airman in a different way, meaning, use them in the exercise-based, scenario-type training, as opposed to more classroom.”

Training officials are also looking at ways to increase physical fitness training in BMT, said Chief Master Sgt. Whitfield Jack, the senior noncommissioned officer for the 737th Training Group.

Chief Master Sergeant of the Space Force John Bentivegna takes part in the Airmen and Guardian run at Joint Base San Antonio, Tx., Feb 26, 2025. The event was part of a basic military training graduation ceremony for Airmen and Guardians. U.S. Air Force photo by Andy Morataya

“So as we speak, we’ve got a human performance team and some physicians that are actually looking over our PT program … because we’re trying to get back to physicality, Jack said.

Currently, trainees do an hour of fitness training per day, but training officials are discussing going to 90 minutes, “trying to do more pull and push foundational PT versus just a standard pass the PT test” training.

This is all in the discussion phase, Jack said, explaining that there are no plans to change the current Air Force PT test in BMT.

“Basically, we’re trying to get our Airmen and Guardians prepared for, if they’re out in a deployed environment, ’Can you pull something? Can you push? Can you put something over your head? Can you bend down and squat and pick something up?’ … more litter carries and pulling rope and things like that,” Jack said.

Lt. Col. Robert Chance, commander of 343rd Training Squadron that oversees security forces technical training, said ensuring trainees are more physically fit will strengthen their warrior mindset.

“Realistically, when times get tough, the more physically fit and resilient these folks are, the more mental capacity that they’re going to have,” he said. “And so that that’s where we’re really at is just really focusing on making sure that the training we’re doing is hard and realistic, so that when the first time these young folks face adversity and are challenged is not when it counts.”

The goal of all of these possible changes to BMT is to create a mindset in trainees that is adversary-focused rather than specialty-focused, Davidson said.

“So the very first step of why it is so important for us to build this warfighting approach or warrior ethos in our Airmen is that they can’t show up on base and think that they’re a fuels guy or a personnelist, right?” Davidson said. “They got to show up on base and figure out, all right, I have a role in this that’s broader, and it’s focused on the adversary.”

New CCA Unit at Beale Won’t Be ‘Schoolhouse’ to Teach Pilots to Fly with Drones

New CCA Unit at Beale Won’t Be ‘Schoolhouse’ to Teach Pilots to Fly with Drones

The Air Force announced this week it is creating a new kind of organization—called an Aircraft Readiness Unit—to provide Collaborative Combat Aircraft for combat operations. Yet that announcement is just one of the “early steps” of operationalizing the semi-autonomous drones, with many more to come, a spokesperson told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

The ARU is not planned to be a schoolhouse where fighter pilots can come to learn how to manage the drones, which will to fly alongside manned platform and be controlled by them. The unit’s manning will also be “an order of magnitude” less than traditional remotely-piloted aircraft squadrons, the spokesperson said.

Beale Air Force Base, Calif., is the “preferred location” for the ARU, meant to “provide combat aircraft ready to deploy worldwide at a moment’s notice.” In its announcement, the Air Force noted that because CCAs are not crewed, they will “not have to fly a significant number of daily sorties to maintain readiness. They will be maintained in a fly-ready status and flown minimally,” so the number of Airmen needed to support the fleet “will be substantially lower” than for other weapon systems.

Asked if the unit will be flying CCAs to forward locations where they’re needed or whether they’ll be transported in crates for reassembly and operations, an Air Force spokesperson said “we are still developing the tactics, techniques, and procedures for employing CCA. Due to operational security, specifics on this will likely not be releasable in the future.”

The spokesperson added that the unit “is not a schoolhouse,” but will simply provide CCAs for operational use. The CCA is “a new concept for an airborne weapons systems, and CCA units will be different from traditional flying squadrons. We expect to have more information in the future.”

Air Force and industry leaders have said experiments show fighter pilots can manage up to six CCAs with relative ease.

Anduril Industries YFQ-44A drone prepared for ground testing. Image courtesy of Anduril

There has been debate in recent years whether CCAs will be integrated with fighter units or have their own organizations, and the Air Force seems not to have resolved that debate yet. Asked if the establishment of the ARU means that the question has been settled, the spokesperson did not directly respond, saying the declaration of Beale as the preferred location for the ARU “is one of many early steps in the process to formalize the organizational structure of the CCA program.”

The Air Force declined to provide target dates for standing up the unit, how many aircraft will constitute initial operational capability, or when that will happen.

“Due to operational security, the specific timelines for standing up this unit are … not available at this time,” the spokesperson said. The CCA unit “will not follow the traditional model of more aircraft equals more personnel. CCA require fewer hours and sorties to maintain operational proficiency and are designed to simplify and reduce maintenance actions. The reduced personnel requirements are an order of magnitude lower than traditional fighter or RPA units.”

Given how early it is in the introduction of CCAs, “there is much to learn” about them, and the Department of the Air Force “has not yet determined the total fleet size,” the spokesperson said. “However, the DAF is committed to fielding an operational CCA capability before the end of the decade.”

The spokesperson also said it is still too early to say whether the ARU will have a formal association with a particular Active, Reserve, or Guard unit, though “we expect more information on this to become available in the future.”

Though the plan is for Beale to host the ARU, the Air Force’s reference to it as the “preferred” location means that environmental impact assessments and other processes must be completed before it can be confirmed as the new home of the CCA mission.

As part of its ARU announcement, the Air Force also disclosed that the two contenders for the CCA program, Anduril Industries YQF-44A and General Atomics Aeronautical Systems YQF-42A, have begun ground testing ahead of flights this summer. One of these two candidates for Increment 1 of the CCA program is expected to be selected for production after October. The service plans to produce at least 200 Increment 1 CCAs at a cost of $27-$30 million, with the first available for operations circa 2028-2030.

The Air Force also plans to choose final competitors to develop Increment 2 in 2026, but those aircraft are expected to be less sophisticated, and may be air-launched, as opposed to Increment 1 CCAs, which require a runway for takeoff and landing.

US Air Force Taps Boneyard Jets to Keep Ukraine’s F-16s Flying

US Air Force Taps Boneyard Jets to Keep Ukraine’s F-16s Flying

The U.S. has approved a $310.5 million Foreign Military Sale to provide Ukraine with maintenance and training for its F-16 fighter jets, the State Department announced May 2. Meanwhile, the U.S. Air Force has been sending retired F-16s to Ukraine to be used for spare parts.

The two actions show that continued American support for Ukraine’s F-16 fleet is proceeding under the Trump administration. The U.S. has not transferred any active F-16s of its own to Ukraine, but the Air Force did train some Ukrainian pilots, has provided sustainment support, and helped Ukraine upgrade the jets’ electronic warfare systems.

The Air Force is supporting the European-donated F-16s by “providing disused and completely non-operational F-16s to Ukraine for parts,” a service spokesperson told Air & Space Forces Magazine.

In a separate release, the Defense Security Cooperation Agency said that the State Department had approved the $310.5 million deal to provide:

  • spare parts
  • modifications
  • upgrades
  • training for operations and maintenance
  • technical documents
  • repair support
  • ground handling equipment

The contractors on the deal include Valiant Integrated Services, a training and logistics firm; Top Aces Corporation, a red air contractor; Lockheed Martin, maker of the F-16; and Pratt and Whitney and L3Harris, F-16 engine-maker and subcontractor, respectively.

With Kyiv currently operating a small fleet of multirole jets in the face of Russia’s full-scale invasion, any spare parts or sustainment help could prove critical. The U.S. has long been reluctant to send American-owned warplanes in any condition to Ukraine, though the Biden administration allowed European allies to build up Ukraine’s F-16 fleet.

The Air Force said the U.S. is still not providing functioning jets to Ukraine.

“These F-16s were retired from active U.S. use and are not flyable. Importantly, they lack critical components such as an engine or radar, and could not be reconstituted for operational use,” the Air Force spokesperson said.

It is unclear when the U.S. began sending the stripped-down F-16s to Ukraine and whether the Biden or Trump administration first green-lit the move. A spokesperson for the National Security Council did not respond to a request for comment.

The Air Force declined to provide further details on delivery timelines or the scope of airframes being supplied. The aircraft have been stored at the “Boneyard” at Davis-Monthan Air Force Base, Ariz.

Photos that began surfacing on social media last week show tightly wrapped F-16s without wings and tails being loaded at Tucson International Airport, less than 10 miles from the Air Force’s boneyard.

The 309th Aerospace Maintenance and Regeneration Group (AMARG) at Davis-Monthan is the world’s largest military aircraft storage facility. It houses and processes aircraft from all branches of the U.S. military, federal agencies such as NASA, and foreign allies. While most are beyond restoration, some go through extensive maintenance to return to flying condition, while others are dismantled. According to a spokesperson of the Arizona base, the facility currently stores “several hundred” F-16s across various variants. The F-16s being supplied to Ukraine appear to be older models of the jet.

The news was first reported by the War Zone.

After Washington greenlit the transfer of American-made fighters in 2023, four NATO allies committed to donating F-16s to Ukraine. Jets from the Netherlands and Denmark began arriving in Ukraine last year, with Kyiv set to receive dozens of F-16s in total from the two countries over the next few years.

Last month, the head of U.S. European Command stated that Ukrainian pilots are flying the fighters “every day,” having successfully intercepted a large number of cruise missile threats, and are delivering “a significant number of offensive attacks” with their F-16s. Army Gen. Christopher G. Cavoli, the dual-hatted commander who also acts as Supreme Allied Commander Europe, added that there are more F-16s prepared to be deployed, with additional pilots in the training pipeline.

In March, one Ukrainian Air Force pilot claimed in an interview that over 80 percent of the missiles fired by these jets successfully hit their targets, eliminating Russia’s Shahed drones and cruise missiles. According to the interview, the fighters also carry out counterair missions and conduct multiple ground attack operations each day over Russia and its occupied territories in Ukraine.

Ukraine has already lost at least two of its multirole fighters in the fight against Russia. In August, a jet was lost in a crash during a massive Russian missile and drone attack, killing one of the country’s first F-16-trained pilots. Then, in April, another Fighting Falcon was downed during a combat mission, resulting in the death of the pilot, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy wrote in a post on X.

Zelenskyy is expecting more F-16 deliveries from Norway and Belgium. In April, a Norwegian Ministry of Defense spokesperson told Air & Space Forces Magazine that the transfer of F-16s from Norway to Ukraine “is going according to plan.” Norway had initially announced the shipment of six fighters starting last year. If their plans had gone as expected, Ukraine might already have some Norwegian F-16s by now, although the spokesperson declined to provide further details regarding the exact delivery status.

Belgium, which had initially promised its first batch of F-16 donations in 2024, has postponed the delivery of operational F-16s until next year due to the delayed roll-out of the stealthy F-35 fleet. However, the country has reaffirmed its commitment to being a supplier of F-16s, with plans to deliver two decommissioned F-16 jets for spare parts this year, Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever said.

While the U.S. has not provided any flyable F-16s so far, Washington supplied missiles for the fighter fleet and trained Kyiv’s pilots through the Arizona Air National Guard’s 162nd Wing.

The U.S. has armed the Ukrainian Air Force with AIM-120 AMRAAM and AIM-9 Sidewinder air-to-air missiles. It has also delivered JDAM Extended Range guided bombs, with a range of roughly 50 miles, along with Small Diameter Bombs and HARM anti-radiation missiles. In addition, the previous Biden administration pledged to provide AGM-154 Joint Standoff Weapons last fall, a medium-range, precision-guided glide bomb capable of striking targets over 70 miles away, though it is unclear whether that delivery has been made.

RAF Unveils Its Own Plan for New Drones to Fly Alongside Fighters

RAF Unveils Its Own Plan for New Drones to Fly Alongside Fighters

The United Kingdom’s Royal Air Force has unveiled a new electronic warfare drone designed to fly with fighter jets into contested airspace, including alongside its fleet of F-35s. 

Called StormShroud, the prop-propelled aircraft will support RAF F-35B fifth-generation stealth fighters and fourth-generation Eurofighter Typhoons “by blinding enemy radars, which increases the survivability and operational effectiveness of our crewed aircraft,” the RAF said in a statement. 

That is not the only new system the British are working on. RAF says it plans to develop more drones to work with its warplanes, just as the U.S. Air Force is leaning heavily into its approach of teaming unmanned systems with crewed platforms.

Still, the aircraft unveiled recently differs in key ways from the USAF’s flagship Collaborative Combat Aircraft program, said Stacie Pettyjohn of the Center for a New American Security, who has been briefed on the RAF’s plans.

StormShroud is far less advanced than the jet-powered CCAs and is not designed to be directly controlled by fighters, but rather to fly a planned route.

The Royal Air Force’s StormShroud. Courtesy photo

The platform for StormShroud is the Tekever AR3, which the RAF said was selected because it has been proven in Ukraine. The prop-powered aircraft will carry an electronic warfare package made by Leonardo because StormShroud is designed to jam radars and disrupt enemy integrated air defense systems.

The first increment of CCAs, by contrast, are meant to carry extra weapons for manned fighters.

“[StormShroud] is intended to be used as a stand-in jammer or decoy that would be employed with F-35Bs or Typhoons operating inside of enemy air defenses,” said Pettyjohn, the director of CNAS’s Defense Program. “Thus, while StormShroud is intended to operate with fighters, it is not a loyal wingman, which differentiates it from the USAF’s CCA program.”

The first tranche of CCAs, Pettyjohn added, are much larger than StormShroud and are capable of advanced autonomy to operate in formations with F-35s. In contrast, this RAF drone is a more specialized and limited capability with more limited endurance, range, and intelligence, she added. 

The StormShround is a drone that provides “cheap, precise mass and that has been rapidly developed and fielded,” said Pettyjohn.

Specifically, the new system draws on lessons learned from the conflict in Ukraine and will give U.K. “frontline military personnel the cutting-edge capability,” British Defense Secretary John Healey said.

The RAF, Pettyjohn noted, differentiates its drones by tiers—tier one aircraft are disposable after one use, and tier two drones are attritable, meaning they might be lost after a few missions. A tier three drone is survivable and could be used many times. A drone that functions as a long-range strike weapon may also be on the horizon.

StormShroud is a tier two system, and therefore less costly than a tier three variant that is survivable, which CCAs are generally considered to be. It is designed to be launched by ground forces that are trained to operate in small teams in high-threat environments, the RAF said. The drone will be operated by the RAF’s 216 Squadron.

Still, the StormShroud is not a cheap quadcopter or first-person view style drone that Russia, Ukraine, and increasingly the U.S. military plan to field.

The RAF has a plan for a fleet of drones of varying degrees of sophistication and price.

“This is a seminal moment for the RAF to maintain our advantage in air combat and national security,” Air Chief Marshal Sir Rich Knighton, the head of the RAF, said in a statement. “The RAF is committed to exploring cutting-edge technologies that can enhance its lethality and survivability in a more contested and dangerous world. Autonomous collaborative platforms will revolutionise how we conduct a range of missions, from intelligence gathering to strike and logistical support.”

Space Force Tells Vendors: We Want AI, but It Needs to Be Specific

Space Force Tells Vendors: We Want AI, but It Needs to Be Specific

There are many use cases for different kinds of artificial intelligence in the Space Force, but the service is moving cautiously towards adoption, hampered in part by a disconnect with vendors, officials said May 1. 

At the ACFEA Northern Virginia chapter’s Space Force IT Day in suburban Virginia, Lt. Col. Jose Almanzar had a blunt answer when asked how the unit he commands, the 19th Space Defense Squadron, is using AI.

“To make a long story short, we’re not,” he said.

However, he told the audience of defense industry contractors, “We do know how to spell AI, so that’s good.” 

Joking aside, Almanzar said his squadron is looking at using NIPRGPT, a generative AI model cleared to run on the military’s Non-secure Internet Protocol Router Network (NIPRNet), an unclassified global network run by DOD.  

NIPRGPT is an experimental chatbot developed by the Air Force Research Laboratory, which Almanzar said had “helped tremendously in mission planning and reducing administrative actions and helping to standardize a lot of the appraisal writing and award writing and whatnot.” 

But the 19th, as one of the Space Force units responsible for tracking objects in space, has a big data problem, and it needs to use other kinds of AI to get after that, Almanzar said. 

“Where we need help is, we have a lot of data,” he said, explaining that the squadron receives about 1 million observations a day from the service’s Space Surveillance Network, comprised of over 20 different sensors, both in space and on the ground. That’s on top of a daily feed of commercial SDA data compiled by the service’s Joint Commercial Office, he said.  

Validating data from new private sector sensors for inclusion into the Space Force’s definitive data catalogue is very time-consuming, Almanzar said.  

“Having AI tools to help our analysts in [Space Operations Command] and [Space Systems Command] adjudicate the information that these new sensors bring on so we can validate [it] and use it in our gold standard catalog would be extremely helpful,” he said. 

Machine learning AI could also help with preparing ‘Conjunction On Launch’ Assessments (COLA), which the 19th provides to the FAA as part of the aviation regulator’s approval process for space launches in the United States. 

COLAs are designed to ensure that a launch won’t collide with an existing satellite, but they take “hours upon hours upon hours,” Almanzar said. Safety assessments for on-orbit maneuvers—to ensure satellites’ new locations are safe and their new orbits won’t cause collisions—are similarly time consuming.   

“If there’s ways that we can automate that and make it go faster,” he said, “how do we compress that timeline, especially in scenarios that we have had recently when a satellite in [Geostationary Earth Orbit, or] GEO blew up and generated a lot of debris? How do we get that data quickly and make sense of that?”

On top of all that, Almanzar pointed out, the Space Force had historical domain awareness data “going back to Sputnik,” which could be useful to train machine learning AI systems to spot anomalies in current orbital data.  

“Ideally, what I would like for us to do with it is predictive analysis,” he said: “Predictive AI on patterns of behavior, patterns of life [in the data], helping us with orbit determination.” 

Part of the issue with AI adoption, his fellow speakers on a panel discussing data and AI said, is a disconnect with vendors. 

“We absolutely have plans to leverage AI,” said Shannon Pallone, program executive officer for battle management and command, control, and communications at Space Systems Command. 

She said AI could bring immediate value in “helping [with] a lot of mundane administrative tasks. So, how can I start putting information that I had in the templates [for procurement documents]? How do I use it on the back end? How can I be auto generating documentation and … all the artifacts that I need to get an [Authority To Operate on DOD networks].” 

But getting vendors to focus on those issues isn’t easy, she said. 

“One of the biggest challenges I have is you all come in and you’re like, ‘Look at this cool AI stuff I’m doing!’ That does not solve any of my problems,” Pallone said.  

In many vendor pitches, she explained, it isn’t clear, “what is it that your company brings to the table? Is it a large language model? OK, anybody can do that. Is it the data you trained on top of it? That might be more interesting, but is that data relevant to what I’m doing? Or is it just data you picked because it was readily available?” 

Above all, she said vendors had to answer the question: “How does [your product] help me get after the problems I’m trying to solve? How does it get after more space-specific problems? And unless I can see that last piece, I’m struggling to find where the value is,” she said. 

The Space Force’s Space Data and Analytics Officer Chandra Donelson added that vendors needed to go back to basics: “The first question is: What problem are we trying to solve? … And I cannot tell you how many times people walk into my office and they’re like, ‘Hey! We have a solution. Now let’s go look for problems across the Space Force that we’re able to get after with it.’ That is the wrong thing.”  

She said starting with the problem meant you can look for a solution, even if it isn’t the latest buzzy concept. 

“Once you identify the problem, maybe artificial intelligence is a solution. Maybe it’s something else. Maybe it is a specific type of artificial intelligence,” she suggested. 

She also urged vendors to focus on their core strengths, since that is their value proposition and what makes them an attractive partner for the Space Force. 

“In all aspects of our life,” she said, “choosing a partner is the most important decision you’re ever going to make. So when we choose our technology partners, those are the most important decisions that we have to make. So for our partners, I want you to also be realistic about what capability you can provide for the service. If you are not an AI company, do not try to become an AI company, just because that’s what’s selling right now. Do what you do very well, and let’s have some real, I would say, critical and crucial conversations about that.”  

Experts caution that building trust with operators is vital to the acceptance of AI tools, and Col. Ernest “Linc” Bonner, commander of the Space Force’s Futures Task Force, said the service needed to be careful as it moved towards adoption. 

“There needs to be a deliberate examination of both what the capability of the technology is at this time and how those things can be brought to bear, and what would be required for them to be brought to bear for the service, for our various missions,” he told an earlier session. 

“AI has a lot of potential, and I think it’s still unclear where that’s going to take us. There’s certainly potential in terms of things like mission planning and generation of courses of action to facilitate that type of decision making.” 

He said another use case was autonomous defense systems for the large-scale, low-Earth orbit constellations, “and I’m sure there are others that I haven’t even scratched the surface of.” 

Trump Proposes $1 Trillion Defense Budget for 2026

Trump Proposes $1 Trillion Defense Budget for 2026

President Donald Trump is proposing a 13 percent increase in defense spending for fiscal 2026, pushing the budget plan over $1 trillion for the first time ever, according to a budget document obtained by Air & Space Forces Magazine. 

“The budget increases Defense spending by 13 percent, and prioritizes investments to: strengthen the safety, security, and sovereignty of the homeland; deter Chinese aggression in the Indo-Pacific; and revitalize America’s defense industrial base,” the document outlining a “skinny version” of the President’s Budget Request states. 

The 13 percent increase would take the Pentagon’s 2026 budget to $1.01 trillion, based on the $893 billion fiscal 2025 budget approved under a full-year continuing resolution in March.

Both Trump and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth have pledged repeatedly to take the budget over $1 trillion. Bloomberg News first reported the $1.01 trillion figure. 

However, some Republican lawmakers in Congress are arguing the 13 percent increase cited by the White House is misleading, because it includes funds from the reconciliation package currently being worked on Capitol Hill.

The White House’s Office of Management and Budget “is not requesting a trillion-dollar budget,” Senate Armed Services Committee chairman Sen. Roger Wicker said in a statement. “It is requesting a budget of $892.6 billion, which is a cut in real terms. This budget would decrease President Trump’s military options and his negotiating leverage. … I have said for months that reconciliation defense spending does not replace the need for real growth in the military’s base budget.”

The money in the reconciliation bill can be spent from fiscal 2025 through fiscal 2029—the entirety of Trump’s term. In another budget document, however, OMB noted that “the Administration assumes enactment of a reconciliation bill later this year that will include at least $325 billion in additional resources (including $175 billion for border/non-defense and $150 billion for defense) to supplement certain discretionary activities. For 2026, the administration assumes a total of $163.1 billion will be allocated with $113.3 billion going to the Department of Defense, $43.8 billion for the Department of Homeland Security, and $6 billion for NNSA.”

“Make no mistake: a one-time influx reconciliation spending is not a substitute for full-year appropriations. It’s a supplement,” said Sen. Mitch McConnell, chair of the powerful Appropriations defense subcommittee. “OMB accounting gimmicks may well convince Administration officials and spokesmen that they’re doing enough to counter the growing, coordinated challenges we face from China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, and radical terrorists. But they won’t fool Congress. The correct response to the most dangerous threats to U.S. interests in decades is not a fifth straight budget request that proposes a real-dollar cut to the U.S. military.”

More details on the 2026 budget are expected later this month. The so-called skinny budget outlined in the budget memo emphasizes investment in Trump administration priorities, including the Golden Dome missile defense initiative, shipbuilding and munitions production, and countering China in the Pacific. 

Republicans recently unveiled a $150 billion reconciliation package identifying many of the same priorities.

The government’s fiscal year runs October 1 through September 30, but Congress has rarely passed budgets in time for the start of a fiscal year in recent decades. When that happens, Congress must first pass a continuing resolution to keep the government running; those bills typically freeze spending at the prior year’s level and prevent new programs from starting. 

The president’s budget request is a proposal. Because Congress has the power of the purse, lawmakers can add or subtract from the proposal before passing it.  

A $1 trillion defense budget was once seen as unimaginable, but inflation over time has made it more and more likely. The Biden administration had projected spending trillion-dollar defense budgets by the end of the decade, but the one-year increase of 13 percent accelerates that by several years.  

Assuming the detailed budget mirrors the proposed reconciliation package, the military branch that stands to benefit the most will be the Navy, which has long articulated an argument for increased shipbuilding. Although far smaller, the Space Force would also likely gain significantly in percentage terms. 

Data Is Fundamental to the Space Force. But Sharing It Is a Challenge

Data Is Fundamental to the Space Force. But Sharing It Is a Challenge

The Space Force relies entirely on data—but it lacks the systems and tools to analyze and share that data properly even within the service, let alone with international partners, officials said May 1. 

“It’s the backbone of everything that we’re going to do, every application that we’re going to build, every system that we use,” Shannon Pallone, program executive officer for battle management and command, control, and communications at Space Systems Command, told an audience of defense contractors at the ACFEA Northern Virginia chapter’s Space Force IT Day in suburban Virginia. 

She said space is increasingly a “system of systems environment … You don’t have satellite A over here, and satellite B over there and they never talk to each other. Everything interacts.” She compared it to a mapping app on a modern smartphone: “They’re interacting with data, they’re getting smarter over time. They’re pulling in restaurant reviews, pulling in real-time traffic data, pulling in weather,” she said.  

In the same way, Pallone said, the Space Force has to think about data as a principle element in all its technology. “If we’re not thinking about it with a data-first mentality, we’re going to end up buying the wrong things. They’re not going to talk to each other, and we’re never going to get to where we need to go.” 

“It’s the most foundational and fundamental thing that we need to get right as a Space Force,” she told a panel on data and artificial intelligence. 

Data “really enables all our space operations,” agreed Lt. Col. Jose Almanzar, commander of the 19th Space Defense Squadron, which is one of the Space Force units responsible for tracking objects in space. “You can’t do launch, can’t fly satellites, can’t really de-orbit or even operate satellites safely without having that fundamental space domain awareness data. … Without [that data] I think all the other functions we do in space are in jeopardy,” he said. 

Tracking 46,000 objects in orbit generates about 1 million observations daily, Almanzar said. That’s on top of a daily feed of commercial SDA data compiled by the service’s Joint Commercial Office, he said.

Such a huge volume of data creates a couple of challenges, he explained. “One, how do we prevent important data from falling beneath the noise floor, and it goes unnoticed? That’s a big risk. But, two, when a lot of things are coming at the operators, how do we minimize the risk that they get inundated with useless data? And how do we tease out what’s useful, what’s not, in different environments?” 

Providing that firehose of SDA data, even to other Space Force components, is challenging, Almanzar said, because of the limitations of aging legacy systems. 

Some of the Guardians that joined his team “probably saw some really nice commercials on TV with really cool graphics and whatnot,” Almanzar said. 

“And when they show up to [our unit], and they see the system that we’re working with, they’re like, what is this? What are we dealing with? And that’s not just a 19th [Space Defense Squadron] thing, that’s across the Space Force,” he said, adding that the service was investing heavily to modernize quickly. 

But, in the meantime, he said, “there’s risk there, because a lot of the systems we’re using aren’t interoperable.” 

He explained that, to move data around, operators frequently have to burn it onto a CD. “Those are small round plastic discs for the folks that don’t remember,” he joked. 

Those problems are even worse when it comes to international partners, explained Group Capt. Jonny Farrow, the deputy director for strategy, futures, partnerships, and requirements at Space Force HQ and a Royal Air Force exchange officer, during an earlier session. 

As a result of over-classification and other restrictions on information, he said, adversaries can know more about what U.S. forces could achieve in space that allies do. 

“To put things in terms of red and blue, I would say collectively, the red forces probably know more about blue capabilities than the blue forces know about each other. And that’s an absolute fact. And it’s certainly something that we really need to get over if we are going to get further,” he said. 

He added it was frustrating because in an operational context, “when there’s an existential threat or risk to life, then we’re able to move these barriers away. And then when we go back to steady state, normal jogging, the barriers come back down again.” 

Sexual Assaults in Air Force Tick Up, as Hiring Freeze Affects Prevention Workforce

Sexual Assaults in Air Force Tick Up, as Hiring Freeze Affects Prevention Workforce

The total number of reported sexual assaults in the Department of the Air Force ticked up about two percent in 2024 while still being lower than the total from 2022, as Pentagon officials say a hiring freeze on federal government civilian employees limits their ability to fill critical sexual assault prevention and response jobs.

The total number of reported sexual assaults across the military declined four percent, according to the fiscal 2024 edition of an annual report on sexual assault and harassment data briefed to the media on May 1. The estimated prevalence of sexual assaults in ‘24 was not calculated in time for the new report.

The goal is for the estimated prevalence to decline, but officials actually want to see an increase in the reporting rate, since it indicates victims feel they can receive the resources they need and hold offenders accountable.

“We’re still reporting at historically high rates,” Dr. Nathan Galbreath, director of the Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office (SAPRO), told reporters. “And so even though we’d like to see the number of reports increase, I’m still very satisfied that our military members know that they can come forward, they can report in any number of ways and get the help that they need to recover.”

Number of Reported Sexual Assaults

YearDODDepartment of the Air Force
202481951879
202385151838
202289421928
202188661701
202078161661

Against the backdrop of the report are changes to the sexual assault prevention and response workforce, including response coordinators, victim advocates, and special victims’ counsels, who help guide and support victims through the investigation, recovery, and justice processes.

“For the prevention workforce, each of the military departments did have targets that they were aiming to hit in terms of hiring each year,” Dr. Andra Tharp, director of the Office of Command Climate and Well-Being Integration, said during a media roundtable. “So any kind of pause is going to impact their ability to hit those targets.”

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth directed the civilian hiring freeze in late February in alignment with President Donald Trump’s efforts “to make the federal government more efficient and responsive,” the secretary wrote in a Feb. 28 memo. Since then, there have been what Tharp described as “multiple waves of off-ramps” including two deferred resignation programs and a widespread firing of probationary employees. 

Meanwhile, about 300 prevention workforce positions on the USAJobs website are essentially on hold, she added—though the Air Force and possibly other departments have successfully bid for exemptions for prevention positions.

While victims’ counsels are uniformed attorneys, the other roles are held by both uniformed and civilian employees. Data shows that full-time SAPR workers are vastly more effective than “collateral” workers who have other primary duties.

“Our survey of sexual assault responders this year again confirmed that our full-time sexual assault response coordinators and victim advocates delivered the vast majority of services to victims,” Galbreath said. “Exceptionally few collateral duty personnel assisted victims, with the median number of victims served being zero.”

The full-time SAPR workforce stood at 1,648 in 2024, with plans to grow to 2,600 by fiscal 2027. Meanwhile, the Pentagon aims to cut the collateral, or part-time, workforce from 18,897 in 2024 to 3,400 in 2027, limited to ships, submarines, and other hard-to-fill locations. The move should save hundreds of thousands of hours in training time every year, Galbreath said.

These are demanding positions: an annex to the May 1 report found that about half of SARCs and victim advocates felt burnout, along with 74 percent of victims’ counsels. Victims’ counsels are particularly strained, Galbreath said, leading SAPRO to ask the services to “review and update where needed their resourcing and training of these important personnel to help reduce some of the stress that they’re experiencing.”

SAPRO is still assessing how the waves of off-ramps will affect these issues: “we’re really trying to get our arms around the total impacts of that,” Tharp said.

Galbreath said he sent information to the military departments on April 30 encouraging them to seek exemptions for the sexual assault response workforce. OSD did not respond in time to questions about whether the services had acted on that message.

“In the meantime, we’re using this time to ensure that we really have right-sized this workforce,” Tharp said. “And we’re creating contingency plans just to ensure that we don’t kind of lose ground while we’re making these adjustments.”

Senior defense officials said the Defense Department is delaying plans to hire at least 1,000 more civilians to prevent sexual assault, suicides, and behavior problems in the military, the Associated Press reported April 28. The same day, Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.), both members of the Senate Armed Services Committee, wrote to Hegseth concerned about reductions to SAPR services.

“Even minor reductions risk compromising decades of progress toward ending sexual abuse and harassment in the Department,” they wrote.

Five days earlier, Hegseth directed the services to review their Military Equal Opportunity and civilian Equal Employment Opportunity programs, the offices charged with investigating discrimination and harassment complaints.

The secretary called for dismissing any complaints “that are unsubstantiated by actionable, credible evidence,” and considering administrative or disciplinary actions against troops who knowingly submit false complaints.

False complaints of sexual assault are rare: the May 1 report showed that the rate of sexual assault cases determined to be unfounded or false has not exceeded three percent since 2014. The rate of such cases in 2024 was one percent.

Advocates worried Hegseth’s memo would have a chilling effect on military sexual assault reporting. But Galbreath said he did not expect the memo would affect the number of reports going forward.

“At the end of the day, the standard of proof remains the same with regard to any sexual harassment complaint,” he said. “All complaints are reviewed, the evidence is analyzed, and a legal officer often opines on whether or not action can be taken.”